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Guide to journal articles
Electoral Studies (1993), 12:3, 277-283
Guide to Journal Articles Edited by Bo S.&RLVIK (Abstracts prepared by DAVID BROUGHTON,University College of Card@3
of Wales,
David Austen-Smith, ‘Explaining the Vote: Constituency Constraints on Sophisticated Voting’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 68-95. The voting decisions of legislators are affected by the need to justify these decisions to their constituents. The author proposes a model of legislative vote and explanation designed to explore this issue. Legislators are assumed to seek re-election to pursue policy outcome. If the penalty for not having told the ‘truth’ is severe, legislators vote sophisticatedly all the time. Robert A. Bernstein, ‘Ideological Deviation and Support for Re-Election: Party Differences in Senate Races’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 987-1003. Voters’ responses to ideological deviation by senators in 1988 and senatorial reelection results between 1974-86 show that the association between ideological deviation and support for the incumbent is conditioned by the party of the incumbent and the direction of the deviation. Vernon Bogdanor, ‘The 1992 General Election and the British Party System’, Government and Opposition, 273 Summer 1992, pp. 283-98. The fourth successive Conservative party victory at the 1992 British general election is more significant than the result alone suggests. Labour is still some distance from the summit. It is hardly surprising therefore that the questions of realignment on the Left and electoral reform have been raised once again. David Butler and Roger Mortimore, ‘A Level Playing Field for British Elections?’ Parliamentay Affairs, 45:2, April 1992, pp. 153-63. This article considers Agenda for Change, a report of the Hansard Society which explored whether any fundamental reforms in law or practice were needed in the conduct of British elections. Arrangements for elections in Britain at the moment are less than perfect and the machinery for making changes in those arrangements is inadequate. Harold D. Clarke and Allan Komberg, ‘Support for the Canadian Federal Progressive Conservative Party since 1988: The Impact of Economic Evaluations and Economic Issues’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 29-53. Since their dramatic election victory in 1988, the governing Progressive Conservatives in Canada have suffered a rapid and precipitous decline in public support. The authors argue that a key reason for this is that Canadians blame the federal government for the poor state of the national economy and adverse personal economic circumstances.
0261-3794/93/03/0277-07 0 1993 Butterworth-Heineman
278
Guide to Journal Articles
Munroe Eagles, ‘The Political Ecology of Campaign Contributions in Canada: A ConstituencyLevel Analysis’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 535-55. The constituency dimension of campaign financing at the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada is examined. There is considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations. Political variables such as past local and regional party strengths, incumbency and closeness appear to be influential. Stanley Feldman and John Zaller, ‘The Political Culture of Ambivalence: Ideological Responses to the Welfare State’, American Journal of PoliticalScience, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 268-307. What principles do the American people draw on when justifying their support for social welfare policy? Most people use values and principles central to the political culture. However, the wide diffusion of diverse values leads to significant ambivalence in people’s discussions of their issue positions. Dan S. Felsenthal, ‘Proportional Representation Under Three Voting Procedures: An Israeli Study’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 159-92. The author attempts to evaluate the likely effect on the Israeli political system of replacing the extant electoral procedure of proportional SV (where every voter can vote for only one party) with other proportional procedures. The three procedures tested would have considerably different effects in terms of the number and type of party gaining representation. Richard S. Flickinger and Donley T. Studlar, ‘The Disappearing Voters? Exploring Declining Turnout in Western European Elections’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. I-16. Changing social characteristics of western European electorates lead to the expectation of increasing electoral turnout. Yet, in the 1980s turnout has held steady or declined in most countries. A series of factors which might affect turnout are identified but none of the subsequent propositions explains the situation. James L. Gibson, ‘The Political Consequences of Intolerance: Cultural Conformity and Political Freedom’, American Political Science Review, 8612, June 1992, pp. 338-56. The intolerance of ordinary citizens does matter for real politics even if strong linkages to policy outputs do not exist. Data from a national survey in the United States show that tolerance and freedom are connected. Mass political intolerance establishes a culture of conformity that appears to constrain individual political liberty in important ways. Elisabeth Gidengil, ‘Canada Votes: A Quarter Century of Canadian National Election Studies’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 219-48. This reviewessay assesses the contribution of the Canadian National Election Studies series to understanding vote choice in Canada. Social psychological approaches need to take the social context of political choice more seriously. Sociological approaches need to conceptualize social categories as live social forces. Paul Gronke, ‘Overreporting the Vote in the 1988 Senate Election Study: A Response to Wright’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 113-29. This ‘controversy’ focuses on an article in LSQ by Gerald Wright in 1990. Gronke challenges Wright’s claim that there was considerable over-reporting for the winner in the 1988 Senate Election Study. Wright then provides a response, pp. 131-42. Keith Halfacree, ‘Whither the Universal Franchise? The Political Cost of Residential Migration’, Parliamentary Affairs, 45:2, April 1992, pp. 164-72. Moving house has the effect of disenfranchising the migrants, either directly through non-regis tration or indirectly through high levels of non-voting. This problem is not alleviated through
Guide to Journal Articles
279
postal voting and the author therefore proposes the adoption of a ‘rolling register’ as a strategy for tackling migrant disenfranchisement in order to retain the principle of the universal franchise. Cheryl Lyn Herrem, Richard Herrera and Eric R.A.N. Smith, ‘Public Opinion and Congressional Representation’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 56~2, Summer 1992, pp. 185-205. Using the 1986 CPS National Election Study and a mail survey of the American House of Representatives, the authors examine the congruence between the views of leaders and those of their followers. The views of representatives are fairly close to those of their constituents and the representatives respond to attitude shifts in their districts. Alexander M. Hicks and Duane H. Swank, ‘Politics, Institutions and Welfare Spending in Industrialised Democracies, 1960-82’, American Political Science Review, 86:3, September 1992, pp. 658-74. What are the rules of democratic politics and political institutions in shaping social welfare spending in capitalist democracies? Pooled time series data analyses of welfare effort in 18 countries between 1960-82 show that turnout as well as left and centrist governments increase welfare effort. Both partisan and non-partisan factors shape contemporary social welfare effort. Giuseppe Ieraci, ‘Centre Parties and Anti-System Oppositions in Polarised Systems’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 17-34. The author seeks to show the connection between the ‘positive’ integration of anti-system oppositions and governmental coalitional strategies in four European polarized democracies (the French Fourth Republic, the Weimar Republic, Finland and Italy). He also seeks to locate some of the component elements which can halt the ‘enfeeblement of the centre’. Christopher B. Kenny, ‘Political Participation and Effects from the Social Environment’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 259-67. The distinction made by other authors between individually and socially based forms of participation as affected by social environment is examined. Certain types of both individually based and socially based participation are affected by those in the immediate social environment. This suggests that a modification of the distinction is in order. David Lanoue, ‘One That made a Difference. Cognitive Consistency, Political Knowledge and the 1980 Presidential Debate’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 56:2, Summer 1992, pp. 168-84. Students of the 1960 and 1976 American presidential debates have been unable to find much evidence that the debates affected voter preferences. This article argues that level of political knowledge is a key mediating variable, with voters having only low levels of knowledge being particularly affected by the debate in 1980. David J. Lanoue and Shaun Bowler, ‘The Sources of Tactical Voting in British Parliamentary Elections, 1983-1987’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 141-57. Critical tests of different approaches to tactical voting are suggested, using British survey data from the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Party identification and particularly intense loyalty dampen the tendency to vote tactically, regardless of the type of constituency. David G. Lawrence, ‘The Collapse of the Democratic Majority: Economics and Vote Choice since 1952’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 797-820. Economics was a major source of Democratic party electoral strength in the New Deal party system. In the 1980s Republican party gains on the issue of prosperity far offset Democratic party gains on social welfare. This has potentially serious consequences for future presidential competitiveness.
280
Guide to Journal
Articles
Jan E. Leighley and Jonathan Nagler, ‘Socioeconomic Class Bias in Turnout, 1964-1988: The Voters Remain the Same’, American Political Science Review, 86:3, September 1992, pp. 725-36. Has class bias in the American electorate increased since 1964? Conclusions regarding changes in class bias are sensitive to which measure of class is used. The authors argue that income is the most appropriate measure. Their analysis shows that there has been almost no change in the class bias of the American electorate since 1964. Arthur Lupia, ‘Busy Voters, Agenda Control and the Power of Information’, American Political Science Review, 86:2, June 1992, pp. 390-403. The author develops an agenda control model which assumes that most voters arc not naturally inclined to invest in political information. A dynamic description of how voters and political elites adapt to information problems that characterize political decision-making is then advanced. This makes it possible to demonstrate the effect of these adaptations on electoral outcomes. Michael B. MacKuen, Robert S. Erikson and James A. Stimson; Paul R. Abramson and Charles W. Ostrom, Jr, ‘Question Wording and Macropartisanship’, American Political Science Review, 8612, June 1992, pp. 475-86. This ‘controversy’ relates to an article by MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson published in the APSR in 1989. They argued that changing levels of macropartisanship responded to presidential approval ratings and perceptions of the economy. Abramson and Ostrom argue that NES and GSS questions showed the importance of question wordings. This is a continuation of that debate. Michael B. MacKuen, Robert S. Erikson and James A. Stimson, ‘Peasants or Bankers? The Political Science Review, 8613, American Electorate and the U.S. Economy’, American September 1992, pp. 597-611. Using both retrospective and prospective components of economic conditions, the authors find that the prospective component fully accounts for the American presidential approval time series. The electorate anticipates the economic future and rewards or punishes the president for economic events before they happen. Ian McAllister and Toni Makkai, ‘Resource and Social Learning Theories of Political Participation: Ethnic Patterns in Australia’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 269-93. There are substantial variations in the levels of participation observable among different social groups. Using Australia as a case study, the authors conclude that resource and social learning theories of participation are complementary rather than exclusive explanations. Ian McAllister and Donley T. Studlar, ‘Region and Voting in Britain, 1979-87: Territorial Polarization or Artifact?’ American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 168-99. Has a North-South political divide emerged in Britain in recent years? Such a ‘territorial interpretation’ is examined using survey data from the 1979, 1983, and 1987 general elections. Territorial effects appear to be small once other variables are taken into account. The bulk of regional voting can be attributed to social compositional effects. Kenneth J. Meier and Thomas M. Holbrook, “‘I Seen My Opportunities and I Took ‘Em:” Political Corruption in the American States’, Journal of Politics, 541, February 1992, pp. 135-55. This study is an empirical examination of political corruption in American states. Four explanations of corruption are tested and political forces (especially turnout and party competi-
Guide to Journal Articles
281
tion) are significant. Structural factors such as campaign finance rules, centralization and direct democracy are unrelated to the incidence of corruption. Jonathan Mendilow, ‘Public Party Funding and Party Transformation in Multiparty Systems’, Comparative Political Studies, 25:1, April 1992, pp. 90-l 17. This article analyses the changes in the Israeli party system since the inception of public party funding in 1969 and then compares the changes with multi-party systems in other countries. The overall effect is in line with the ‘catch-all’ thesis of Kirchheimer although in Israel, there are greater opportunities for ideological and sectional parties to establish themselves. Gary F. Moncrief and Joel A. Thompson, ‘Electoral Structure and State Legislative Representation: A Research Note’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 246-56. The characteristics of legislators elected from different district types are compared using data from 10 American states which use combinations of single-member and multi-member districts. Blacks appear to be advantaged by single-member districts, especially those in urban areas and women appear to be advantaged by standing in multi-member districts especially those in urban areas. David Moon, ‘The Determinants of Turnout in Presidential Elections: An Integrative Model Accounting for Information’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 123-40. A model of turnout is presented which seeks to integrate the various institutional, sociological psychological and economic factors that have been advanced to account for turnout in American presidential elections. Important influences are perceived differences between the candidates, a sense of social duty and the costs of registering. Wolfgang C. Mueller, ‘The Catch-All Party Thesis and the Austrian Social Democrats’, German Politics, 1:2, August 1992, pp. 181-99. The ‘catch-all’ thesis of Kirchheimer is examined using the Austrian Socialist party as an example. Five central elements of the thesis are considered using empirical evidence from the SPij. The SPO of the 1990s can definitely be classified as a ‘catch-all’ party. Diana C. Mutz, ‘Impersonal Influence: Effects of Representations of Public Opinion on Political Attitudes’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 89-122. The rationale for theories of impersonal influence (influence derived from individuals’ perceptions of others’ attitudes, beliefs or experiences) is explored. Modern mass media facilitate the influence of anonymous others by devoting considerable time and attention to portraying trends in mass opinion. Mary Alice Nye and Charles S. Bullock III, ‘Civil Rights Support: A Comparison of Southern and Border States Representatives’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 81-94. What was the support for civil rights Bills among members of the US House from southern and border states over a period of twenty years? Over time, the distinctiveness of the deep South from the rim South has largely eroded. For most legislative sessions, party is a significant predictor, with Democrats more liberal than Republicans. Rejean Pelletier and Manon Tremblay, ‘Les femmes sont-elles candidates dans des circonscriptions perdues d’avance? De l’examen dune croyance’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2512, June 1992, pp. 249-67. Is the belief that more women than men are candidates in constituencies where defeat is expected accurate? It is concluded that political parties will have to collaborate if more women are to become members of the National Assembly.
282
Guide to Journal Articles
Benjamin Radcliff, ‘The Welfare State, Turnout and the Economy: A Comparative Analysis’, American Political Science Review, 86~2, June 1992, pp. 444-54. Does the economy affect turnout? The author looks at this issue by examining national elections in 29 countries. The effect of economic adversity depends upon the degree of welfare state development. This relationship appears to be non-linear, with mobilization occurring at either extreme whilst withdrawal obtains in the middle range. David M. Rayside, ‘Homophobia, Class and Party in England’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 121-49. Institutionalized homophobia in England has been intensified over the last decade, linked to concerns about ‘permissiveness’ amongst lower middle class groups courted by the Conservative party. However, anti-gay norms have long been embedded in working class and middle class cultures more than in continental European and North American societies. Peter van Roozendaal, ‘The Effect of Dominant and Central Parties on Cabinet Composition and Durability’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 5-36. This article is concerned with developing a typology of parliamentary games on the basis of the combined presence or absence of parties that are dominant and central players in the game. Predictions are derived and tested regarding 382 cabinets in western multiparty democracies between 1918-88. The approach provides a promising perspective for further research. Marianne C. Stewart, Allan Komberg, Harold D. Clarke and Alan Acock, ‘Arenas and Attitudes: A Note on Political Efficacy in a Federal System’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 179-96. This paper investigates political efficacy at the national and provincial levels of the Canadian federal system using 1983, 1984 and 1988 survey data. Efficacious attitudes are structured in terms of separate internal and external factors at the two levels of government. The degree of articulation in attitude structure varies strongly and inversely with regional differences in the similarity of national and provincial party systems. John L. Sullivan, Amy Fried and Mary G. Dietz, ‘Patriotism, Politics and the Presidential Election of 1988’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 200-34. Did the patriotism issue help George Bush win the 1988 American presidential election? Voters who understand patriotism symbolically, emotionally or instinctively were particularly susceptible to Bush’s rhetorical appeals to patriotism and the flag. Voters who understand patriotism in alternative ways were not attracted by such appeals. Michael W. Traugott and Vincent Price, ‘Exit Polls in the 1989 Virginia Gubernatorial Race: Where Did They Go Wrong?’ Public Opinion Quarterly, 56:2, Summer 1992, pp. 245-53. Some recent American exit polls have been considerably wide of the mark. In the 1989 gubernatorial exit poll in Virginia, it seems clear that at the end of racially charged political campaigns, biases other than sampling, weighting and administration need to be considered. ‘Socially desirable’ responses may be significant factors as well. Manon Tremblay, ‘Quand les femmes se distinguent: f&ninisme et representation politique au Quebec’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 55-68. How do the gender and party affiliation of politicians in Quebec influence their opinions on three issues relating to women? Questionnaires sent to party candidates of the NDP, Liberals and Parti Quebecois suggest that it is the Liberal party which resists the feminist movement in general.
Guide to Journal Articles
283
Susan Welch and John Hibbing, ‘Financial Conditions, Gender and Voting in American National Elections’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 197-213. The authors explore differences between men and women in their levels and types of economic voting. Women are considerably less likely than men to cast egocentric economic votes but are as likely, or perhaps more so, to cast sociotropic economic votes. Men and women have different political attitudes and they also use these attitudes in different ways. Clyde Wilcox and Dee Allsop, ‘Economic and Foreign Policy as Sources of Reagan Support’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 941-58. The impact of foreign policy and economic policy attitudes in approval of President Reagan’s performance is examined. The results suggest that the public is more attentive to and concerned about foreign policy than previous research has suggested. Dwayne Woods, ‘The Centre No Longer Holds: The Rise of Regional Leagues in Italian Politics’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 56-76. The recent emergence of the regional leagues in Italian politics is epiphenomenal to broader socioeconomic changes which have taken place in Italy since the 1960s. The leagues reflect the differentiation of Italian civil society from a centralized political authority to regional and local centres of economic and political legitimacy. Mei Lan Zielonka-Goei, ‘Members Marginalising Themselves? Intra-Party Participation in the Netherlands’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 93-106. The transformation from mass parties to ‘catch-all’ parties may not only have electoral consequences but may also have an impact inside political parties in so far as the position of ordinary party members is concerned. This article examines the role of the ordinary party member in intra-party decision-making in the Netherlands. Dutch party members do feel marginalized but they do not use the available opportunities.
Guide to Journal Articles Edited by Bo S.&RLVIK (Abstracts prepared by DAVID BROUGHTON,University College of Card@3
of Wales,
David Austen-Smith, ‘Explaining the Vote: Constituency Constraints on Sophisticated Voting’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 68-95. The voting decisions of legislators are affected by the need to justify these decisions to their constituents. The author proposes a model of legislative vote and explanation designed to explore this issue. Legislators are assumed to seek re-election to pursue policy outcome. If the penalty for not having told the ‘truth’ is severe, legislators vote sophisticatedly all the time. Robert A. Bernstein, ‘Ideological Deviation and Support for Re-Election: Party Differences in Senate Races’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 987-1003. Voters’ responses to ideological deviation by senators in 1988 and senatorial reelection results between 1974-86 show that the association between ideological deviation and support for the incumbent is conditioned by the party of the incumbent and the direction of the deviation. Vernon Bogdanor, ‘The 1992 General Election and the British Party System’, Government and Opposition, 273 Summer 1992, pp. 283-98. The fourth successive Conservative party victory at the 1992 British general election is more significant than the result alone suggests. Labour is still some distance from the summit. It is hardly surprising therefore that the questions of realignment on the Left and electoral reform have been raised once again. David Butler and Roger Mortimore, ‘A Level Playing Field for British Elections?’ Parliamentay Affairs, 45:2, April 1992, pp. 153-63. This article considers Agenda for Change, a report of the Hansard Society which explored whether any fundamental reforms in law or practice were needed in the conduct of British elections. Arrangements for elections in Britain at the moment are less than perfect and the machinery for making changes in those arrangements is inadequate. Harold D. Clarke and Allan Komberg, ‘Support for the Canadian Federal Progressive Conservative Party since 1988: The Impact of Economic Evaluations and Economic Issues’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 29-53. Since their dramatic election victory in 1988, the governing Progressive Conservatives in Canada have suffered a rapid and precipitous decline in public support. The authors argue that a key reason for this is that Canadians blame the federal government for the poor state of the national economy and adverse personal economic circumstances.
0261-3794/93/03/0277-07 0 1993 Butterworth-Heineman
278
Guide to Journal Articles
Munroe Eagles, ‘The Political Ecology of Campaign Contributions in Canada: A ConstituencyLevel Analysis’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 535-55. The constituency dimension of campaign financing at the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada is examined. There is considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations. Political variables such as past local and regional party strengths, incumbency and closeness appear to be influential. Stanley Feldman and John Zaller, ‘The Political Culture of Ambivalence: Ideological Responses to the Welfare State’, American Journal of PoliticalScience, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 268-307. What principles do the American people draw on when justifying their support for social welfare policy? Most people use values and principles central to the political culture. However, the wide diffusion of diverse values leads to significant ambivalence in people’s discussions of their issue positions. Dan S. Felsenthal, ‘Proportional Representation Under Three Voting Procedures: An Israeli Study’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 159-92. The author attempts to evaluate the likely effect on the Israeli political system of replacing the extant electoral procedure of proportional SV (where every voter can vote for only one party) with other proportional procedures. The three procedures tested would have considerably different effects in terms of the number and type of party gaining representation. Richard S. Flickinger and Donley T. Studlar, ‘The Disappearing Voters? Exploring Declining Turnout in Western European Elections’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. I-16. Changing social characteristics of western European electorates lead to the expectation of increasing electoral turnout. Yet, in the 1980s turnout has held steady or declined in most countries. A series of factors which might affect turnout are identified but none of the subsequent propositions explains the situation. James L. Gibson, ‘The Political Consequences of Intolerance: Cultural Conformity and Political Freedom’, American Political Science Review, 8612, June 1992, pp. 338-56. The intolerance of ordinary citizens does matter for real politics even if strong linkages to policy outputs do not exist. Data from a national survey in the United States show that tolerance and freedom are connected. Mass political intolerance establishes a culture of conformity that appears to constrain individual political liberty in important ways. Elisabeth Gidengil, ‘Canada Votes: A Quarter Century of Canadian National Election Studies’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 219-48. This reviewessay assesses the contribution of the Canadian National Election Studies series to understanding vote choice in Canada. Social psychological approaches need to take the social context of political choice more seriously. Sociological approaches need to conceptualize social categories as live social forces. Paul Gronke, ‘Overreporting the Vote in the 1988 Senate Election Study: A Response to Wright’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 113-29. This ‘controversy’ focuses on an article in LSQ by Gerald Wright in 1990. Gronke challenges Wright’s claim that there was considerable over-reporting for the winner in the 1988 Senate Election Study. Wright then provides a response, pp. 131-42. Keith Halfacree, ‘Whither the Universal Franchise? The Political Cost of Residential Migration’, Parliamentary Affairs, 45:2, April 1992, pp. 164-72. Moving house has the effect of disenfranchising the migrants, either directly through non-regis tration or indirectly through high levels of non-voting. This problem is not alleviated through
Guide to Journal Articles
279
postal voting and the author therefore proposes the adoption of a ‘rolling register’ as a strategy for tackling migrant disenfranchisement in order to retain the principle of the universal franchise. Cheryl Lyn Herrem, Richard Herrera and Eric R.A.N. Smith, ‘Public Opinion and Congressional Representation’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 56~2, Summer 1992, pp. 185-205. Using the 1986 CPS National Election Study and a mail survey of the American House of Representatives, the authors examine the congruence between the views of leaders and those of their followers. The views of representatives are fairly close to those of their constituents and the representatives respond to attitude shifts in their districts. Alexander M. Hicks and Duane H. Swank, ‘Politics, Institutions and Welfare Spending in Industrialised Democracies, 1960-82’, American Political Science Review, 86:3, September 1992, pp. 658-74. What are the rules of democratic politics and political institutions in shaping social welfare spending in capitalist democracies? Pooled time series data analyses of welfare effort in 18 countries between 1960-82 show that turnout as well as left and centrist governments increase welfare effort. Both partisan and non-partisan factors shape contemporary social welfare effort. Giuseppe Ieraci, ‘Centre Parties and Anti-System Oppositions in Polarised Systems’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 17-34. The author seeks to show the connection between the ‘positive’ integration of anti-system oppositions and governmental coalitional strategies in four European polarized democracies (the French Fourth Republic, the Weimar Republic, Finland and Italy). He also seeks to locate some of the component elements which can halt the ‘enfeeblement of the centre’. Christopher B. Kenny, ‘Political Participation and Effects from the Social Environment’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 259-67. The distinction made by other authors between individually and socially based forms of participation as affected by social environment is examined. Certain types of both individually based and socially based participation are affected by those in the immediate social environment. This suggests that a modification of the distinction is in order. David Lanoue, ‘One That made a Difference. Cognitive Consistency, Political Knowledge and the 1980 Presidential Debate’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 56:2, Summer 1992, pp. 168-84. Students of the 1960 and 1976 American presidential debates have been unable to find much evidence that the debates affected voter preferences. This article argues that level of political knowledge is a key mediating variable, with voters having only low levels of knowledge being particularly affected by the debate in 1980. David J. Lanoue and Shaun Bowler, ‘The Sources of Tactical Voting in British Parliamentary Elections, 1983-1987’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 141-57. Critical tests of different approaches to tactical voting are suggested, using British survey data from the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Party identification and particularly intense loyalty dampen the tendency to vote tactically, regardless of the type of constituency. David G. Lawrence, ‘The Collapse of the Democratic Majority: Economics and Vote Choice since 1952’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 797-820. Economics was a major source of Democratic party electoral strength in the New Deal party system. In the 1980s Republican party gains on the issue of prosperity far offset Democratic party gains on social welfare. This has potentially serious consequences for future presidential competitiveness.
280
Guide to Journal
Articles
Jan E. Leighley and Jonathan Nagler, ‘Socioeconomic Class Bias in Turnout, 1964-1988: The Voters Remain the Same’, American Political Science Review, 86:3, September 1992, pp. 725-36. Has class bias in the American electorate increased since 1964? Conclusions regarding changes in class bias are sensitive to which measure of class is used. The authors argue that income is the most appropriate measure. Their analysis shows that there has been almost no change in the class bias of the American electorate since 1964. Arthur Lupia, ‘Busy Voters, Agenda Control and the Power of Information’, American Political Science Review, 86:2, June 1992, pp. 390-403. The author develops an agenda control model which assumes that most voters arc not naturally inclined to invest in political information. A dynamic description of how voters and political elites adapt to information problems that characterize political decision-making is then advanced. This makes it possible to demonstrate the effect of these adaptations on electoral outcomes. Michael B. MacKuen, Robert S. Erikson and James A. Stimson; Paul R. Abramson and Charles W. Ostrom, Jr, ‘Question Wording and Macropartisanship’, American Political Science Review, 8612, June 1992, pp. 475-86. This ‘controversy’ relates to an article by MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson published in the APSR in 1989. They argued that changing levels of macropartisanship responded to presidential approval ratings and perceptions of the economy. Abramson and Ostrom argue that NES and GSS questions showed the importance of question wordings. This is a continuation of that debate. Michael B. MacKuen, Robert S. Erikson and James A. Stimson, ‘Peasants or Bankers? The Political Science Review, 8613, American Electorate and the U.S. Economy’, American September 1992, pp. 597-611. Using both retrospective and prospective components of economic conditions, the authors find that the prospective component fully accounts for the American presidential approval time series. The electorate anticipates the economic future and rewards or punishes the president for economic events before they happen. Ian McAllister and Toni Makkai, ‘Resource and Social Learning Theories of Political Participation: Ethnic Patterns in Australia’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 25:2, June 1992, pp. 269-93. There are substantial variations in the levels of participation observable among different social groups. Using Australia as a case study, the authors conclude that resource and social learning theories of participation are complementary rather than exclusive explanations. Ian McAllister and Donley T. Studlar, ‘Region and Voting in Britain, 1979-87: Territorial Polarization or Artifact?’ American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 168-99. Has a North-South political divide emerged in Britain in recent years? Such a ‘territorial interpretation’ is examined using survey data from the 1979, 1983, and 1987 general elections. Territorial effects appear to be small once other variables are taken into account. The bulk of regional voting can be attributed to social compositional effects. Kenneth J. Meier and Thomas M. Holbrook, “‘I Seen My Opportunities and I Took ‘Em:” Political Corruption in the American States’, Journal of Politics, 541, February 1992, pp. 135-55. This study is an empirical examination of political corruption in American states. Four explanations of corruption are tested and political forces (especially turnout and party competi-
Guide to Journal Articles
281
tion) are significant. Structural factors such as campaign finance rules, centralization and direct democracy are unrelated to the incidence of corruption. Jonathan Mendilow, ‘Public Party Funding and Party Transformation in Multiparty Systems’, Comparative Political Studies, 25:1, April 1992, pp. 90-l 17. This article analyses the changes in the Israeli party system since the inception of public party funding in 1969 and then compares the changes with multi-party systems in other countries. The overall effect is in line with the ‘catch-all’ thesis of Kirchheimer although in Israel, there are greater opportunities for ideological and sectional parties to establish themselves. Gary F. Moncrief and Joel A. Thompson, ‘Electoral Structure and State Legislative Representation: A Research Note’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 246-56. The characteristics of legislators elected from different district types are compared using data from 10 American states which use combinations of single-member and multi-member districts. Blacks appear to be advantaged by single-member districts, especially those in urban areas and women appear to be advantaged by standing in multi-member districts especially those in urban areas. David Moon, ‘The Determinants of Turnout in Presidential Elections: An Integrative Model Accounting for Information’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 123-40. A model of turnout is presented which seeks to integrate the various institutional, sociological psychological and economic factors that have been advanced to account for turnout in American presidential elections. Important influences are perceived differences between the candidates, a sense of social duty and the costs of registering. Wolfgang C. Mueller, ‘The Catch-All Party Thesis and the Austrian Social Democrats’, German Politics, 1:2, August 1992, pp. 181-99. The ‘catch-all’ thesis of Kirchheimer is examined using the Austrian Socialist party as an example. Five central elements of the thesis are considered using empirical evidence from the SPij. The SPO of the 1990s can definitely be classified as a ‘catch-all’ party. Diana C. Mutz, ‘Impersonal Influence: Effects of Representations of Public Opinion on Political Attitudes’, Political Behavior, 14:2, June 1992, pp. 89-122. The rationale for theories of impersonal influence (influence derived from individuals’ perceptions of others’ attitudes, beliefs or experiences) is explored. Modern mass media facilitate the influence of anonymous others by devoting considerable time and attention to portraying trends in mass opinion. Mary Alice Nye and Charles S. Bullock III, ‘Civil Rights Support: A Comparison of Southern and Border States Representatives’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 81-94. What was the support for civil rights Bills among members of the US House from southern and border states over a period of twenty years? Over time, the distinctiveness of the deep South from the rim South has largely eroded. For most legislative sessions, party is a significant predictor, with Democrats more liberal than Republicans. Rejean Pelletier and Manon Tremblay, ‘Les femmes sont-elles candidates dans des circonscriptions perdues d’avance? De l’examen dune croyance’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2512, June 1992, pp. 249-67. Is the belief that more women than men are candidates in constituencies where defeat is expected accurate? It is concluded that political parties will have to collaborate if more women are to become members of the National Assembly.
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Benjamin Radcliff, ‘The Welfare State, Turnout and the Economy: A Comparative Analysis’, American Political Science Review, 86~2, June 1992, pp. 444-54. Does the economy affect turnout? The author looks at this issue by examining national elections in 29 countries. The effect of economic adversity depends upon the degree of welfare state development. This relationship appears to be non-linear, with mobilization occurring at either extreme whilst withdrawal obtains in the middle range. David M. Rayside, ‘Homophobia, Class and Party in England’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 121-49. Institutionalized homophobia in England has been intensified over the last decade, linked to concerns about ‘permissiveness’ amongst lower middle class groups courted by the Conservative party. However, anti-gay norms have long been embedded in working class and middle class cultures more than in continental European and North American societies. Peter van Roozendaal, ‘The Effect of Dominant and Central Parties on Cabinet Composition and Durability’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 17:1, February 1992, pp. 5-36. This article is concerned with developing a typology of parliamentary games on the basis of the combined presence or absence of parties that are dominant and central players in the game. Predictions are derived and tested regarding 382 cabinets in western multiparty democracies between 1918-88. The approach provides a promising perspective for further research. Marianne C. Stewart, Allan Komberg, Harold D. Clarke and Alan Acock, ‘Arenas and Attitudes: A Note on Political Efficacy in a Federal System’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 179-96. This paper investigates political efficacy at the national and provincial levels of the Canadian federal system using 1983, 1984 and 1988 survey data. Efficacious attitudes are structured in terms of separate internal and external factors at the two levels of government. The degree of articulation in attitude structure varies strongly and inversely with regional differences in the similarity of national and provincial party systems. John L. Sullivan, Amy Fried and Mary G. Dietz, ‘Patriotism, Politics and the Presidential Election of 1988’, American Journal of Political Science, 36:1, February 1992, pp. 200-34. Did the patriotism issue help George Bush win the 1988 American presidential election? Voters who understand patriotism symbolically, emotionally or instinctively were particularly susceptible to Bush’s rhetorical appeals to patriotism and the flag. Voters who understand patriotism in alternative ways were not attracted by such appeals. Michael W. Traugott and Vincent Price, ‘Exit Polls in the 1989 Virginia Gubernatorial Race: Where Did They Go Wrong?’ Public Opinion Quarterly, 56:2, Summer 1992, pp. 245-53. Some recent American exit polls have been considerably wide of the mark. In the 1989 gubernatorial exit poll in Virginia, it seems clear that at the end of racially charged political campaigns, biases other than sampling, weighting and administration need to be considered. ‘Socially desirable’ responses may be significant factors as well. Manon Tremblay, ‘Quand les femmes se distinguent: f&ninisme et representation politique au Quebec’, CanadianJournal of Political Science, 25:1, March 1992, pp. 55-68. How do the gender and party affiliation of politicians in Quebec influence their opinions on three issues relating to women? Questionnaires sent to party candidates of the NDP, Liberals and Parti Quebecois suggest that it is the Liberal party which resists the feminist movement in general.
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Susan Welch and John Hibbing, ‘Financial Conditions, Gender and Voting in American National Elections’, Journal of Politics, 54:1, February 1992, pp. 197-213. The authors explore differences between men and women in their levels and types of economic voting. Women are considerably less likely than men to cast egocentric economic votes but are as likely, or perhaps more so, to cast sociotropic economic votes. Men and women have different political attitudes and they also use these attitudes in different ways. Clyde Wilcox and Dee Allsop, ‘Economic and Foreign Policy as Sources of Reagan Support’, Western Political Quarterly, 44:4, December 1991, pp. 941-58. The impact of foreign policy and economic policy attitudes in approval of President Reagan’s performance is examined. The results suggest that the public is more attentive to and concerned about foreign policy than previous research has suggested. Dwayne Woods, ‘The Centre No Longer Holds: The Rise of Regional Leagues in Italian Politics’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 56-76. The recent emergence of the regional leagues in Italian politics is epiphenomenal to broader socioeconomic changes which have taken place in Italy since the 1960s. The leagues reflect the differentiation of Italian civil society from a centralized political authority to regional and local centres of economic and political legitimacy. Mei Lan Zielonka-Goei, ‘Members Marginalising Themselves? Intra-Party Participation in the Netherlands’, West European Politics, 15:2, April 1992, pp. 93-106. The transformation from mass parties to ‘catch-all’ parties may not only have electoral consequences but may also have an impact inside political parties in so far as the position of ordinary party members is concerned. This article examines the role of the ordinary party member in intra-party decision-making in the Netherlands. Dutch party members do feel marginalized but they do not use the available opportunities.