Energy Policy 128 (2019) 17–24
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Implications of institutional frameworks for renewable energy policy administration: Case study of the Esaghem, Cameroon community PV solar electrification project
T
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Ambe J. Njoha, , Simon Ettab, Uwem Essiac, Ijang Ngyah-Etchutambed, Lucy E.D. Enomaha, Hans T. Tabreyd, Mah O. Tarkec a
School of Geosciences, University of South Florida, USA Director of Communications, City of Baltimore Municipal Government, MD, USA Pan African Institute for Development, Buea, Cameroon d University of Buea, Cameroon b c
A R T I C LE I N FO
A B S T R A C T
Keywords: Africa Cameroon Institutional barriers Renewable energy Solar photovoltaic electrification
This study analyzed a rural renewable energy project—the Esaghem Village solar photovoltaic-based electrification project—in Manyu Division, Cameroon. The aim was to unveil impediments to the project rooted in the country's institutional framework for energy policy administration. The framework adheres to the country's Weberian-style administrative machinery. Conspicuous features of the machinery, including its pyramidal structure, tendency for top-down hierarchical communication, aversion for interorganizational interaction, and standardization are shown to constitute major institutional impediments. These features caused problems such as a lack of information, skills, and innovation. They also exacerbated problems relating to custom formalities and stand to threaten project sustainability. Administrative reform actions including the promotion of inter-organizational coordination, administration decentralization reinforced with the creation of renewable energy extension programs, and market-oriented liberalization measures are recommended. These reforms promise to facilitate the diffusion of solar PV electrification and other renewable energy technologies in Camerooon and other developing countries.
1. Introduction Africa has the dubious reputation of being the most electricity-deprived continent in the world. This deprivation is especially acute in the sub-Saharan African (SSA) region. With the exclusion of South Africa, all countries in this region consume only 68 gigawatts of electricity per year (AfDB, 2018). This is about the same electricity consumption level as Spain alone. However, the electricity consumption records for many SSA countries tend to be deceitfully impressive because of their exclusive focus on urban areas. For instance, Cameroon, which has a national electrification rate of 55%, is 88% electrified in urban centres but only 17% in rural areas (USAID, 2017). These statistics, which mirror those of other countries in SSA tell only part of the story as they conceal the frequent power interruptions that constitute a defining characteristic of the squalid, obsolete and highly dysfunctional national electricity grids of the region. This underscores the urgent need for more dependable, efficient and effective alternative energy sources.
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Solar power ranks high in this regard especially because its functioning depends on one of the continent's most abundant resources, namely solar radiation. Given its location on the equator, Africa emerges as one of the world's sunniest continents. In the specific case of Cameroon, its close proximity to the equator, makes it an ideal candidate for solar electrification. The average solar radiation in the country ranges from 4.9kWh/m2/day in some parts, to 5.8 kWh/m2/day in others (REEEP, 2018). Yet, the diffusion of solar energy technology remains very low throughout the country. This paper deviates from convention by explaining the problem not as a result of poverty but a function of institutional factors. It attributes the problem to features of the country's governance structure, and especially the institutional apparatus for energy policy dispensation. The paper culls empirical evidence from a small-scale village solar photovoltaic-based rural electrification project to substantiate this claim. It is premised on a belief that country-by-country case studies constitute indispensable inputs for meaningful efforts to ensure the success of renewable energy
Corresponding author. E-mail address:
[email protected] (A.J. Njoh).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2018.12.042 Received 26 June 2018; Received in revised form 20 December 2018; Accepted 22 December 2018 0301-4215/ © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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by renaming the joint American/Cameroonian electricity supply corporation, AES-SONEL, known in French as la Société de l′Electricité du Cameroun. The National Electricity Corporation (SONEL) was created in 1974 by combining the defunct Cameroon Power Company (POWERCAM) of former West Cameroon, and the Electricité du Cameroun, the electricity corporation of former East Cameroun (Njoh, 1992). The sole distributor of energy in the country, ENEO-Cameroon maintains on its website an elaborate document containing detailed information about its corporate size and activities (see ENEO, 2018). The document reports that the corporation boasts a workforce of 3765 workers in 2017; it also contains the following valuable data. Fifty-six percent of the corporation's capital is held by Actis, a British investment group, while 44% is in the hands of the Cameroonian State. It taps as much as 74% of its energy from hydro sources. As of 2015, the corporation had an installed generation capacity of 968 MW from 39 generation power plants, broken into 13 grid power plants, and 26 remote thermal plants. Its transmission network includes some 24 substations, a total of 1944.29 km of High-Voltage lines, 15,081.48 km of Medium-Voltage lines and 15,209.25 km of Low-Voltage lines. Its distribution network includes 11,450 km lines of 5.5–33 kV and 11,158 km lines of 220–380 kV. The corporation serves 973,250 customers with as many as 45% based in the country's two largest cities, Douala and Yaounde. As these statistics suggest, Cameroon's renewable energy sources remain largely untapped. A brief analysis of the government's renewable energy policy and sources can prove exceedingly illuminating. As part of its development objectives under the Programme Vision 2035, the Government of Cameroon has committed, at least in principle, to significantly invest in the energy sector with particular emphasis on renewable energy (Ekeke and Nfornah, 2016). This is in concert with its policy goals of ensuring energy independence by maximizing the utility of the country's hydropower potential, and producing oil and gas. Despite official rhetoric, there is no specific piece of legislation designed to actively promote renewable energy in particular and clean energy technology in general. Rather, as noted by previous analysts, the only piece of legislation relating to energy in its broader sense appears in Title IV, Chapter 1 of Law No. 98/022 of 24 December 1998 (REEEP, 2018). The law governs the country's electricity sector and emphasizes the use of primary sources of energy, especially those of the renewable variety. Five sources of renewable energy stand out in the case of Cameroon and are briefly discussed below. These include, hydro, wind, biomass, geothermal and solar.
development initiatives in Africa. The paper takes off in the next section by presenting a thumbnail sketch of the institutional context of renewable energy policy making in Cameroon. Then, it briefly discusses the methodological issues of the study. This is followed by a snapshot of the Esaghem solar photovoltaic (PV) electrification project. A subsequent section identifies the major institutional barriers encountered during the implementation and immediate post-implementation phases of the project. The paper ends with some policy recommendations and concluding remarks. 2. Overview of renewable energy policy sector in Cameroon Cameroon is located at latitude 6°00 N and longitude 12°00 E; it is traversed by the 10th parallel north of the equatorial plane (Kwaye et al., 2015). According to NASA's Surface Meteorological and Solar Energy data base, the country enjoys an average solar radiation of 4.9 kWh/m2/day (IEEE.org, 2018). The intensity of solar radiation is, however, not uniform throughout the country. Established estimates range from 4.9 kWh/m2/day in the south to 5.8 kWh/m2/day in the north (Abanda, 2012: 4559). Despite the high solar radiation intensity at its disposal, Cameroon has no explicit policy on harnessing solar energy for electrification purposes. However, a review of the government's electricity policy making, and particularly the institutional framework for this policy's dispensation provides some clue on its stance on solar radiation as a potential electric power source in the country. The country's institutional machinery for electricity policy making mirrors the country's governance structure as a whole. It is tailored after the classical Weberian bureaucratic model (Njoh, 1992; Asibuo, 1991; Wallis, 1989; Weber, 1947). The most conspicuous of the model's elements are its pyramidal structure; insistence on standardization; strict adherence to a system of rules; aversion for inter-organizational interaction; and emphasis on a top-down flow of initiatives. The pyramidal structure ensures that each office resides under the control and supervision of a higher one. Standardization and strict adherence to rules are meant to ensure that office holders discharge their duties objectively and impartially. The tendency to discourage inter-organizational interaction is meant to have organizations focus on intra-organizational interaction thereby, promoting organizational efficiency. Emphasis on top-down flow of initiatives assumes that useful knowledge resides exclusively in the hands of superiors as opposed to subordinates. Based on this inherently flawed assumption, the model insists that subordinates unquestioningly obey their superiors. A major implication of the Weberian model's stipulations for the energy sector in Cameroon is that all essential decisions regarding energy generation and distribution in the country are made in the national capital, Yaounde. Only the most mundane and unmistakably routine decisions are taken at the sub-national levels. The main ministerial body in the country's energy policy field is the Ministry of Energy and Water (le Ministère de l′Enérgie et de l′Eau (MINEE)). This body is headed by a minister who is appointed by presidential decree. Thus, it is safe to infer that the Minister of Energy and Water serves at the pleasure of the president. A highly centralized institutional body, MINEE is represented at the sub-national level by regional delegates appointed by ministerial decree. Although Cameroon has ten administrative regions, the official website of MINEE shows that the ministry has only four regional delegations (for the South, Centre, Littoral and North Regions) (MINEE, 2018). Thus, in theory, there are no specific delegations for the SouthWest, North-West, East, Far-North, Centre-South, and West Regions. In practice, however, the regional delegates of the South, Centre, Littoral and North have administrative jurisdiction over their respective regional neighbours. The Ministry of Energy and Water Resources is not directly responsible for developing electricity infrastructure and distributing electrical energy in the country. This responsibility belongs to Energy of Cameroon (ENEO Cameroon). This parastatal corporation of an industrial and commercial nature was established on September 12, 2014
2.1. Hydro-sources Hydropower constitutes the leading source of renewable energy in Cameroon. The country's hydropower potential of 294 TWh/year is second only to that of the Democratic Republic of Congo as the highest in Africa as a whole (Abanda, 2012: 4559). This source powers twothirds of the country's on-grid installed capacity. The rest is powered by thermal sources (see e.g., USAID, 2017). However, the country is able to harness only 5% of its hydropower capacity. It is worth noting that the country's enormous hydro-electricity sources are under significant threat from increasing deforestation and global climate warming. These factors are causing severe shrinkage in rivers that have historically constituted dependable sources of the country's hydro-electrical energy. For example, rapid deforestation around River Sanaga has significantly reduced in volume and hence, its utility as a source of hydro-electric energy (Ngalame, 2013). 2.2. Wind Wind as an alternative source of energy has little promise for most parts of Cameroon. This is especially true for the southern region, where the vegetation comprises dense forests covering a series of uninterrupted hills, mountains and valleys. This probably explains the 18
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2324.5 Wh/day or 850.8 kWh/yr. to fulfill its basic power requirements. This is far less than the electricity generation potential of solar radiation in the region. However, until recently, solar energy harnessing efforts have been obfuscated by the prohibitively high cost of solar electrification infrastructure. This cost has been rapidly declining since 2000. By some estimates, the efficiency gains in solar technology have been astronomical, reaching 10,000% at some point (Devex, 2018). At the same time, the cost of batteries, LED lights, and photovoltaic cells fell by more than 80% (Devex, 2018). Efforts to tap this source of energy in the country are steadily increasing. Douala and Yaounde, respectively the country's economic and administrative capitals, have experienced significant growth in the solar energy sub-sector since 2011. One indication of this is the an increase in the number of registered solar energy companies from 8 in 2008 to 25 in 2012 (Ngalame, 2013). Also, one of the country's solar energy companies, Energie Cameroun reported that it had installed as many as 270 panels in Yaounde alone since 2011. The potential of solar power is underscored by estimates suggesting that solar power's promise as a catalyst for the country's economy. Based on these estimates, a 4 kW (kW) photovoltaic system can produce approximately 6150 kW per year in Bamenda, the North-West Regional capital (Ngalame, 2013).
lack of attention accorded to wind as a potentially viable source of electric energy in the country noted by Abanda (2012). Nevertheless a few studies based on meteorological data from the National Meteorological Department in Adamaoua have been conducted in the northern part of country (Abanda, 2012). The studies have uncovered information indicating wind speeds of between 2.8 m/s and 4.1 m/s for cities such as Garoua in the North Region. In comparison, towns such as Ebolowa in the southern part of the country registered wind speeds between 1.2 m/s and 1.8 m/s. 2.3. Biomass Cameroon's biomass energy potential is among the highest in the world. With a vast forest area of 25 million hectares spread across 75% of its territory, Cameroon boasts the third highest biomass potential in sub-Saharan Africa (REEEP, 2018). On their own, these statistics are deceptively appealing. The country is losing as much as 200,000 ha of its forests mainly due to logging and exportation annually (REEEP, 2018). The situation is exacerbated by the fact only a maximum of 3000 ha of these is regenerated per year. Thus, despite its abundance, biomass cannot be considered a sustainable energy source in Cameroon. Yet, the fact that it constitutes the dominant source of energy for lighting, heating and cooking throughout the country cannot be discounted. A promising source of biomass energy whose utility is yet to be maximized is oil palm. Oil palm constitutes a viable source of biodiesel fuel. The country has oil palm plantations occupying as much as 108,000 ha of land (REEEP, 2018). However, almost all of the oil produced from these plantations is for the export market with a very small quantity reserved for domestic consumption as food. Thus, the product's potential as a source of biodiesel remains untapped.
3. Data and methodology The information used in this study was collected via the following three approaches: literature review, in-situ observation, and direct interaction with energy stakeholders in the empirical referent country, Cameroon. Employing the classic case study approach involving conventional ethnographic tools, the approaches conform to the suggestions for identifying barriers to renewable energy penetration proffered by Painuly (2001). According to Painuly, it is a brilliant idea to review relevant literature on renewable energy in general, and on case studies of projects identical to the one in question; pay site visits to study the focal project; and interact with stakeholders in the energy policy field in the target country. We deem the perception of stakeholders necessary for efforts to locate hurdles in extant policies and identify measures to overcome them. As part of the conceptualization and implementation team, we collected detailed information on the project, using ethnographic tools such as video/audio recorders, and palm-top tablets. With these, we made copious notes of all activities relating to the project. The study is innovative because of its focus on institutional factors, which are largely ignored in the discourse on renewable energy in developing countries.
2.4. Geothermal There is a dearth of data on the geothermal energy potential of Cameroon. Yet, some smattering of information suggests that the country is not completely devoid of this specific source of renewable energy. The few promising sources include some underground hot water areas that are yet to be fully assessed (Kenfack et al., 2011). A study on the subject based on data from the US Geological Surveys suggests that efforts to harness geothermal energy in the general region circumscribing Cameroon is likely to prove economically irrational (Abanda, 2012). The study further noted the potential for economically tapping geothermal energy from the geo-pressured zones of the Niger Delta and areas of tectonic activity in the Benue trough that extends to parts of Cameroon. In addition, there is the active volcanic Mount Cameroon, which is a potential source of geothermal energy. At any rate, it is necessary to note that the potential of Cameroon's geothermal energy sources is yet to be adequately assessed and established.
4. The Esaghem photovoltaic-based electrification project This section contains background information on the solar PV electrification site, Esaghem and the technical specifications of the major components of the project. It is hoped that these details can find utility in the hands of others involved in identical projects in Cameroon or other developing countries. In conformity with international standards (IEEE 1262 – recommended practice for qualifications of photovoltaic modules), the specifications could form a set of recommended best practices to ensure proper levels of performance, security and system reliability.
2.5. Solar By virtue of its geographical location, Cameroon is endowed with intense solar radiation thus, making it a highly promising candidate for solar energy utilization. The mean radiation in this sub-region, ranges from 4 kWh/m2/day in the forested area—which includes Cameroon, Gabon, Central African Republic, P.R. Congo, and D.R. Congo—to 8 kWh/m2/day in the Greater Lake Chad area—including Northern Nigeria, Chad and Northern Cameroon (Abanda, 2012; Tchinda and Kaptouom, 1999). Despite the country's intense solar radiation, its level of solar PV electrification remains low—a situation that is replicated throughout Africa. This is what some have characterized as Africa's solar PV paradox connoting a situation in which the region with the most intense solar radiation is the one with the lowest level of solar energy consumption (Da Silva, 2018). An empirical study on neighboring Nigeria by Adeoti and colleagues (2001) suggests that a typical rural household in the region requires
4.1. Background Esaghem is a farming village located on a hill in a dense and lush forest in Eyumojock sub-division, one of the four administrative subdivisions comprising Manyu Division in the South-West Region, Cameroon. The village's elevated location makes it a prime candidate for solar PV electrification. It is 11 km by boat from Mamfe, the closest urban centre. Also, a 15-km dirt road, connecting to a 2-km footpath permit access to the village by all-terrain vehicles and motor bikes or 19
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and amorphous silicon (Geotherm, 2018). The costs incurred amounted to four thousand six hundred US dollars ($4600 US). This included the cost of technical labor, the panels, shipping (including custom duties), and wires/cables. However, a team of electrical engineers of Esaghem origin based in the US donated their expertise and funds to cover their costs of traveling to, and sojourning in, Cameroon during the project implementation phase. The villagers donated the land and manual labor necessary to complete the project. Although initially billed to take 6 months, the project actually took one year to complete. The first set of lights powered by solar energy were turned on at the Village Community Centre on January 9, 2016. The main phases included:
foot. The village includes 26 residential buildings and a communal hall, and contains a population of 100–150. Until January 2015, this largely inaccessible village tucked in a dense evergreen forest, depended on biomass, particularly firewood for heating and cooking, and on kerosene, a mixture of hydrocarbons from distilled petroleum and bituminous shale, for lighting. For occasional grandiose occasions such as weddings, royal coronations, traditional and religious festivities, the villagers depended on a single communally-owned gasoline-powered generator. Apart from being excessively noisy, gasoline generators are well-known for the harmful levels of carbon monoxide (CO) they emit. On their part, the firewood and kerosene that served as the main source of energy in the village emitted carbon monoxide at levels that significantly threatened the villagers’ lives. Perhaps more noteworthy is the village's complete dependence on Mamfe, the closest urban centre for kerosene. These problems have constituted a cause for consternation among many, including but not limited to municipal government authorities, hometown associations (HTAs), and other groups from Manyu Division and Esaghem Village in particular. A few years ago, one of these groups, elements of Esaghem Village based abroad began mobilizing resources to electrify the village. It weighed several renewable energy options and decided in favor of solar photovoltaic-based electrification. This option was favored because, as noted above, its cost has been steadily declining. Once this decision was reached, a project committee, including some members of the research team for this study, proceeded to conduct a project needs assessment. The assessment revealed the need to:
• Site survey, including data collection on number of homes and average daily consumption); • Preliminary work/the design phase (including equipment sizing, • • •
4.2. Technical details Table 1 summarizes the technical details and specifications of major components of the project. The components and rationale for selecting them are briefly presented in turn below.
1. 2. 3. 4.
Electrify 26 homes and 1 community hall; Generate power to operate a large screen TV for the communal hall; Generate power to propel a borehole water pump; Generate power to operate a communal cell phone re-charging station; 5. Build capacity for post-implementation project maintenance.
4.3. Solar panels The Solar panels are of the mono-crystalline variety with a rating of 100 W, which is adequate for off grid applications. These panels are guaranteed by manufacturers for twenty-five years of performance at 100% for the first ten years, followed by 90% after 15 years and 80% at the twenty-five year mark. Mono-silicon panels were chosen because, in contrast to poly-crystalline panels, they boasts a higher level of purity and space energy efficacy. In addition they are perfect for small roofs in developing countries where they are mounted facing south to capture the most energy, and meet the needs for space constrained properties. The mono panels also provide lower temperature coefficient due to humidity and hot climate conditions in Africa.
Going by the daily average energy requirement of 2324.5 kWh/day or 850.8 kWh/yr computed by Adeoti et al. (2001), the energy requirement for the village's 28 homes (with 1 community hall and a cellphone re-charging centre considered as 2 homes) was computed to be 65,086 Wh/day or 848.442 kWh/yr (i.e., 28 × 2324.5). Cameroon urban/rural planning laws make no provision for, and therefore do not require any, planning permission for domestic solar electrification projects. Consequently, the implementation phase of the project was initiated on January 9, 2015. The project's major components are summarized on Table 1. Its main inputs included monocrystalline solar panels (of ½–1 kW capacity), 12-volt, 255AH 8D sealed lead-acid rechargeable DC batteries, cables/electrical wires, engineering expertise and manual labor. Monocrystalline panels were chosen because of their proven efficiency—they produce the most power per square meter than their competitors such as polycrystalline
4.4. Battery storage (Ocean HY12–100 12 V 100AH deep cycle battery) Batteries provide energy storage for the Solar system. Details of the battery elements are summarized in Table 2. As the table shows, absorbed glass mat batteries (AGM) were used. The choice of batteries was driven by the need to provide a minimum of 5 years of useful life and sized for 100 AH. These leak/spill proof batteries have a woven glass mate used between the plates to hold electrolyte; also they do not produce gas when charging. Their performance is rated superior due to their slower self-discharge and better voltage maintenance (Njoh et al., 2018; Geotherm, 2018). Two 12 V 100 AH batteries were supplied and connected in parallel to produce 24 V.
Table 1 Specifications for major components of the solar PV project. COmponent Description
Specification or capacity
Maximum Power Optimum operating current (Imp) Open Circuit Voltage (Voc) Solar Cell Type Quantity Width Weight Length Height Connection Optimum Operating Voltage Maximum System Voltage Short Circuit Current (Isc)
100 W 5.556 A 22.4 V Mono crystalline 4 22.25 18.00 Ibs 18.0 1.80 MC4 18.0 V 1000 V (IEC) 5.870 A
installation of panels, batteries, inverter, controllers, fuses and wiring); Installation (involving series/parallel wiring); Testing and commissioning; and Data analysis.
4.5. Charge controller (LCD 30 A 12/24 V) The charge controller details are summarized in Table 3. Proper charging of batteries prevents damage and increases the life, and performance of solar batteries. Consequently, we installed a charge controller to prevent overcharging, and discharging as either condition can reduce the life span of the solar battery. Most advanced solar controllers use maximum power point tracking (MPPT) charging which provides a power boost of up to 33% over normal models in cold but sunny conditions. However, MPPT controllers are more expensive; consequently, the pulse width modulation (PVM) type (less costly) was recommended 20
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Table 2 Battery quantity and specifications.
Table 5 9W LED specifications – Model SS-BULB-9W-01.
Components
Quantity/specification
Component
Details or specification
Cells per unit Voltage per unit Operating temperature
6 12 V Discharge: −40 C~60C Charge: -20C~50C Storage: -40C~60C 2 100AH@20h-rate to 1.75 V per cell @ 25 C Approx. 30 kg 1000 A (5 s) Approx. 5.0 m ohm 25 C+-5C 13.6–13.8 VDC/unit Average at 25 °C 20 A
LED quantity LED Chip Lamp Base Suggested Replacement Power factor Input Voltage Frequency Range Total Lumens
1 w X 9 pcs Epistar E27/E26 80 W incandescent > 95% 85–260 VAC 50–60 Hz 720 lm
Number of Batteries Capacity Weight Max. Discharge Current Internal resistance Normal operating temperature range Float charging voltage Recommended maximum charging current limit Terminal
4.7. Wiring For most Solar implementations, the size of wires becomes more important at low voltages. For a 12 V DC system, a loss of more than 10% in voltage across the length of the wire can impact the functioning of the inverter. Properly sized wiring will make a difference between a fully charged battery system and brightness of lights. The minimum wiring required for PV panels should be at least 6 mm diameter (Table 5).
Terminal F15/F12
Table 3 Charge controller specifications. Rated voltage
12 V/24 V (Auto Switch)
Rated Current Max. Input Solar Panel Power
30 A 720 W, connect 24 V Battery: 360 W connect 12 V Battery Less than 50 V 13.8 V /27.6 V 10.7 V/21.4 V 12.5 V/25 V PWM mode Less #7 AWG (16 mm)
Open Voltage of Solar Panel Over charging protection Low Voltage disconnection (LVD) Low Voltage reconnected (LVR) Charging mode Installation cable area
4.8. Lighting Rapid developments in solar cells and light emitting diode (LED) bulbs have accelerated the adaptation of Solar systems in rural communities across Africa. These light bulbs last longer, consume less power and produce better illumination than incandescent bulbs. Depending on the design, some LED bulbs have an impressive lifespan of 15–20 years. Contrary to popular belief, the brightness of a lamp is determined by the lumens and not the wattage of the bulb. Our design called for the use of 7 W and 9 W LED bulbs across the entire village.
for the project. In field studies, it has been recorded that both PVM and MPPT controllers tend to perform equally in sub-tropical to tropical climates.
5. Institutional barriers The problem of low solar photovoltaic (PV) electricity consumption levels in Africa is often attributed to the continent's high level of poverty, lack of awareness, and technological limitations (Pegels, 2010; Da Silva, 2018). Painuly (2001) is among the few who have identified alternative barriers to the penetration of solar PV systems and renewable energy technology (RET) in general in developing countries. However, the few works falling in Painuly's camp pay only passing attention to institutional barriers to RET; they typicaly focus on developing countries generically. In the present study we deviate from convention in two major ways. First, we focus on a specific rural solar PV electrification project located in one developing country, namely Cameroon. Second, we limit our analysis exclusively to institutional factors. Accordingly, we identify and discuss only observed institutional barriers rooted in the country's administrative structure. As noted earlier, this structure conforms to the highly centralized, bureaucratic, hierarchical and pyramidal model of Max Weber; and it is widely agreed that the model has largely boded ill for efforts to promote development in developing countries. Certain elements in the politicoadministrative landscape of renewable energy project locales have been discussed in general terms as constituting barriers to renewable energy policy implementation efforts in the developing world (Fischer et al., 2011; Pegels, 2010; Da Silva, 2018). However, there has never been any effort to accomplish the objective of showing how the barriers are connected to specific features of the bureaucratic structure. We draw on our experience with the Esaghem solar PV project to accomplish this objective here. Our aim in the remainder of this paper is to marshal evidence from our experience with the Esaghem solar PV project to attain this objective. In particular, we recount the problems we encountered and show how they are a function of different strands of Cameroon's governance structure, and institutional machinery for
4.6. Solar inverter (1000 W off Grid Pure Sine Wave inverter) Table 4 summarizes the details of this component of the project. A pure sine wave inverter was deemed ideal for this rural project as it provides better performance and reliability. As the heart of a solar energy system, the inverter converts the 12 V DC voltage to 220 V AC – suitable for powering most household appliances. Inverters can be sized at 12 V, 24 V or 48 V depending on the input voltage from the battery bank. Ideally, a solar system design calls for the solar panels, inverter and battery bank to use the same voltage for greater efficiency. The higher the voltage, the lower the current and therefore use of smaller diameter cables is apropos. Our system was designed for 24 V operation. Table 4 Inverter details and specifications. Element or feature
Description/specification
Brand Waveform Input DC Voltage Input Voltage range Continuous Output Power Output AC Voltage Frequency Efficiency No load current draw Protection (over voltage shut down) Storage temperature
Reliable electric Pure sine wave 24 V 21–30 V DC 1000 W 220/230/240 VAC 50 Hz Greater than 85% Less than 1.2 A 30.5 Vdc Between −30 deg. Celsius and + 70 deg. Celsius
21
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Table 6 Problems experienced in the Esaghem solar PV project as a function of features in Cameroon's administrative structure. Item
Problem
Feature of administrative machinery
1. 2.
Hierarchical organizational structure lacking coordinating mechanisms. Over-centralization and concentration of resources in the centre.
3.
Vague customs clearance requirements Lack of information/skilled technicians at the sub-national level Scarcity/lack of necessary components
4. 5.
Lack of/poor infrastructure Difficulties guaranteeing project's sustainability
6.
Culture of corruption
Monopolized nature of the energy market (by Government/ parastatal). ENEO is the sole electricity corporation in the country. Urban biased infrastructure investment policy Lack of support for local (sub-national) level projects from central authorities (e.g., no technical support as was available in colonial community development projects). Corruption and its attendant negative consequences are endemic in Cameroon and other non-Western societies. Apparently, corruption is invoked in non-Western societies, where informality is a norm, to evade the Weberian model's requirement for standardization and strict adherence to formal rules.
had shipped from the United States. The components included inter alia, the Mono-crystalline solar panels, the 12-volt, sealed lead-acid rechargeable DC batteries, charge controllers, and inverters. Here, we hasten to note that the Cameroonian government had waived the 19.25% value added tax on renewable energy components in 2011. However, the customs authorities claimed no knowledge of this policy and insisted on releasing the components only upon receiving the necessary payments. We did oblige as it would have been more timeconsuming to do otherwise. The only legal alternative would have been to travel to the national capital, Yaounde and request a central authority in the Ministry of Energy and Water to write a letter to another in the Ministry of Finance, the ministerial home of the country's Customs Department. This latter central authority would have therefore, issued a waiver for us to take to his subordinates at the seaport in Douala. Apart from its obviously cumbersome nature, this process would have been tedious and time consuming as it would have required no less than a week to complete. One feature of the Cameroon's governance apparatus, namely hierarchical structuring, is the main source of this problem. This feature tends to emphasize vertical intra-organizational interaction at the expense of interaction of the inter-organizational variant. In practice, this means discouraging interaction, including coordination among agencies falling under different ministerial jurisdictions. Yet, coordination, entailing inter-agency or interorganizational cooperation, exchange of information and other resources, is a sine qua non for institutional effectiveness (Osifo, 2012; Wunsch, 1991). Three conditions for institutional effectiveness in any given policy field can be identified to include the following (cf., Barnard, 1938): the ability and willingness of organizations in that field to communicate with one another; the ability and willingness of these organizations to contribute to action; and the desire of the organizations to accomplish a common purpose. These conditions do not obtain in Cameroon. This is illustrated by the fact that the country's Customs Department, a unit of the Ministry of Finance, appeared oblivious to initiatives to promote renewable energy consumption by the Ministry of Energy and Water. Some of these initiatives, as stated earlier, comprise making renewable energy elements such as solar PV components custom duty-free.
energy policy dispensation in particular. Foremost amongst the problems we experienced are the following six:
• Lack of information; • Vague custom clearance requirements; • Lack of skilled technicians at the sub-national level; • Lack of innovation; • Difficulties ensuring project sustainability; • Culture of corruption. The problems and their link to features of Cameroon's administrative machinery are summarized on Table 6. We discuss the problems as a function of these features in turn. 5.1. Lack of information One of the first problems we encountered in the Esaghem solar PV electrification project had to do with a lack of information. We sought but could not procure meaningful information on the government's renewable energy policy, and the availability and cost of solar PV components in Cameroon. Consequently, we decided to procure in, and shipped from, the United States all the necessary components. Although there are a few peer-reviewed articles on renewable energy development initiatives in the country (see e.g., Abanda, 2012; Mbi, Online; Kenfack et al., 2011), none includes market information on these components. The renewable energy information famine problem we encountered is a function of centralization, a prominent feature of the country's administrative machinery. For example, energy policy falls under the administrative jurisdiction of a single ministerial body, the Ministry of Energy and Water (MINEE), located in the national capital, Yaounde. Consequently, all real and potential actors in Cameroon's energy policy field, must travel to Yaounde to obtain whatever little information may be available on the country's energy development initiatives. This situation is akin to what some have characterized as the central problem to social coordination. It illustrates the classic “knowledge problem” articulated by Friedrich Hayek (1945). According to Hayek, knowledge or information is naturally decentralized since it is typically inarticulate and resides in the hands of many, often disparate, entities. Therefore, from a Hayekian perspective, decentralization is necessary to improve institutional effectiveness; and effective decentralization requires unrestricted access to information. The centralized structure of Cameroon's energy policy administration apparatus effectively concentrates, and limits access to, all vital information on the country's renewable energy policy in the national capital, Yaounde.
5.3. Lack of skilled technicians Another serious problem that we encountered relates to securing skilled electricians whom we could train to install and maintain the solar photovoltaic electrification system. This problem has been identified by other researchers working in developing countries (see e.g., Painuly, 2001; Urmee et al., 2009). Also, we were unable to find any Ministry of Energy and Water officials to answer critical policy and technical questions regarding the project at the sub-national level. All officials with such knowledge are located in the Yaounde, the national capital and were inaccessible by phone. The absence of internet facilities further obfuscated our efforts to reach authorities in the national capital. This problem results from the urban-biased investment policies
5.2. Vague customs clearance requirements Another point at which we encountered a set of worrisome problems relates to fulfilling the custom's formalities for solar PV components we 22
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of the government, which tends to concentrate infrastructure and other development resources in the national capital and a few other urban areas. A major effect of this phenomenon is the rural-to-urban migration that has resulted in syphoning almost all young people from rural areas throughout the country. Thus, this problem is likely to be experienced by any renewable energy project not only in Cameroon but throughout most African countries. Taken together, these problems are a function of a major feature of Cameroon's administrative machinery, namely resource concentration. The feature is a legacy of the country's colonial past. It was bequeathed to the indigenous leadership by their colonial predecessors, the French. The French are well-known for their penchant for centralized governance structures. The paucity of administrative and technical expertise, and to some extent, tradition, explain this colonial tendency. The shoestring budget of colonial governments typically permitted the hiring of only a few experts in any given field; and the need for expedience necessitated their concentration in the administrative capital. This practice has since been retained by the indigenous leadership without giving thought to its original raison d′être. Yet, it is important to note that French colonial authorities transferred to Cameroon the only administrative model they were used to in their native Europe. As Faguet (2004: 2) explains, “social, cultural and religious trends contributed to making the state seem [like] the natural and best form of civic society, hence facilitating the growth of its powers” in Europe in general and France in particular. In Cameroon, post-colonial developments such as the indigenous leadership's desire to achieve the goal of nationalism and preserve the nation-state has undermined liberal notions of a limited and meaningfully decentralized governance structure. Consequently, like their colonial predecessors, the indigenous leadership continues to concentrate essential resources in the centre—usually in the capital city, and occasionally, in a few urban centres.
5.5. Difficulties ensuring project sustainability The most nagging problem we encountered in the Esaghem solar PV electrification project relates to guaranteeing its sustainability. On the positive side, we note that the project has functioned almost hitch-free since it was completed in January 2016. Yet, it is unreasonable to project such smooth functioning will always be the case. We had hoped to arrange with the Mamfe branch of ENEO-Cameroon, the country's sole parastatal commercial electricity corporation to provide regular check-up and maintenance services to the project. However, upon contacting the corporation, we gathered that: 1) its role in the country's energy policy field is limited to the distribution of hydro-electric power, 2) it neither represents, nor speaks for, the Ministry of Energy and Water, and 3) it operates no community outreach program that can provide technical assistance to local renewable energy initiatives. This limited role of Cameroon's electricity corporation, and the excessive centralization of decision-making authority, the inadequate delegation of responsibility, and the rigid adherence to the anachronistic practice of regarding hydro-power as the exclusive source of electrical energy are a function of bureaucratic inertia. As mentioned earlier, bureaucratic inertia connotes a situation in which bureaucratic organizations such as government ministries and parastatal corporations manifest an aversion for change and innovation. Instead, they prefer to maintain the status quo or do things the way they have always done them. In fact, the current monopolistic and oligopolistic nature of the country's energy market is a legacy of its colonial past. This feature, which is another manifestation of inertia, has been identified as a barrier to renewable energy penetration (Ahmad et al., 2011). 5.6. Culture of corruption
5.4. Lack of innovation According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index for 2017, the sub-Saharan Africa region ranks as the most corrupt region in the world (transparency.org, 2018). The same index ranks Cameroon the fifth most corrupt country. The country’s culture of corruption was on full display at the Port of Douala through which we shipped the main components for our project. We surmise, based on our experience that the custom formalities and procedures for clearing goods at this port have been made intentionally nondescript as a means of promoting the culture of corruption. We were required to pay different sums at many points beginning at the main entrance, where the gate attendant refused to grant us access until we had bribed him, or as he called it, ‘given him chocko.’ Once inside, we were required to bribe or give chocko to uniformed and non-uniformed officials who walked us to different counters where we paid for fiscal stamps. The bribe, and having to be walked to the different counters, were necessary to avoid standing in long lines under the intensive solar radiation of Douala. Apart from direct cash payments to the officials, another form of corrupt behavior was also evident. The amount charged for fiscal stamps and other formalities were always significantly higher than the amounts stated on the official receipts that were issued to us. Therefore, based on our direct experience, the cost of the components turned out to significantly higher than we had projected thanks to the culture of corruption at Cameroon’s main port of Douala.
We were dismayed to discover that little is being done to actively promote renewable energy consumption in Cameroon. The lack of a research and development culture, especially with respect to renewable energy, has been identified as a defining characteristic of developing countries (Painuly, 2001). In this regard, hardly any of our questions on solar PV electrification, was addressed. In most cases services and activities that we believe could have been available were not. For instance, there are no incentives such as grants to assist needy communities to install renewable energy facilities, and no tax credits for individuals or entities wishing to switch to alternative energy sources. More noteworthy, the country's sole parastatal electricity corporation does not make any allowance for grid-tied and/or grid-interactive renewable energy systems which can permit consumers to sell excess energy created by such systems to the corporation. Furthermore, there has been no research on wind as alternative energy sources in the country. Consequently, we could not find any answers to our questions regarding the feasibility of using wind turbine as a back-up for our solar PV system during periods of low intensity solar radiation. This problem is a function of the absence of a legal framework for independent power producers. This, as Beck and Martinot (2004) have noted, discourage independent producers from investing in renewable energy. Yet, more investment in RET means improved access to renewable energy; and such access constitutes an important step towards fulfilling the goal of development in developing countries (Zahnd and Kimber, 2009). The roots of these problems are traceable to bureaucratic inertia on the part of ENEO-Cameroon in particular, and the Ministry of Energy and Water in general. Bureaucratic inertia can be defined as a combination of forces that tend to generate resistance to change and innovation, as well as stifle the ability and capacity of organizations to be flexible, adaptive and productive (Asibuo, 1992: 67). It is a source of the ineffectiveness, inefficiency, and inability to respond to changing needs that constitute a defining characteristic of governance systems in
6. Conclusion and policy implications This paper employs the classic case study approach to uncover institutional impediments to renewable energy penetration in Cameroon. The specific case examined here involves a solar photovoltaic (PV) electrification project in Esaghem Village, Eyumojock sub-Division, Manyu in the South-West Region, Cameroon. The project's socio-economic context and technical details are extensively discussed. The aim is to share vital information with practitioners and researchers 23
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interested in rural solar PV electrification in developing countries. The analysis deviates from convention by identifying institutional, as opposed to economic, factors as impediments to renewable energy projects. The identified institutional impediments are rooted in the Weberian administrative model that is typically employed by developing countries. Specific features of this model, including the tendency for top-down hierarchical communication, an aversion for inter-organizational interaction, and standardization are shown to have been prominent in obfuscating the project's implementation efforts. In addition, the model's emphasis on impersonality and neutrality, rules and regulations, division of functions, hierarchy, rationality and role specialization, designed to ensure the smooth functioning of administrative organs, have also proved problematic. These facets of the model constituted the source of major problems such as lack of information, vague customs clearance formalities, lack of skilled technicians, lack of information, and difficulties ensuring project sustainability. This analysis suggests a need for institutional reform measures to facilitate the development and sustenance of renewable energy technology in Cameroon and other developing countries. Five such measures come to mind. The first is to decentralize the institutional structure for energy policy administration. Such decentralization must involve more than simply setting up units of national ministries in subnational locales. Rather, this must include the devolution of decisionmaking power to these locales. The second entails encouraging interagency or inter-organizational interaction among institutional bodies or stakeholders in the energy policy field. This promises to discourage cross-purpose interaction and encourage the exchange of important resources such as information and ideas among these stakeholders. Third, the state would do well to invest in renewable energy research and development, including the training of technicians. Such an investment can go a good way in solving the problem of information and know-how famine that currently plagues the country's renewable energy sector. Fourth, state authorities would do well to de-emphasize the authoritarian nature of the Weberian model, which is inherently elitist. This would invariably lead to a recognition of the importance of beneficiaries of renewable energy projects—e.g., the people of rural Esaghem Village—as invaluable sources of knowledge. Finally, state authorities must take active steps to avoid strict adherence to elements of the Weberian model such as standardization. Doing so would constitute an acknowledgement of the uniqueness of social settings, the contexts of policy implementation. Thus, in contrast to the model's assumption, policy implementation contexts are not universal and therefore, ‘one size does not fit all.’ Although cautiously prescriptive, the measures proffered here hold promise not only for Cameroon, but also other developing countries whose administrative structure mimics the Weberian model.
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