Medicinal wild plant knowledge and gathering patterns in a Mapuche community from North-western Patagonia

Medicinal wild plant knowledge and gathering patterns in a Mapuche community from North-western Patagonia

Journal of Ethnopharmacology 103 (2006) 109–119 Medicinal wild plant knowledge and gathering patterns in a Mapuche community from North-western Patag...

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Journal of Ethnopharmacology 103 (2006) 109–119

Medicinal wild plant knowledge and gathering patterns in a Mapuche community from North-western Patagonia Diego Estomba, Ana Ladio ∗ , Mariana Lozada Departamento de Ecolog´ıa, Universidad Nacional del Comahue, Centro Regional Universitario Bariloche, Quintral 1250, 8400 S.C. de Bariloche, Argentina Received 24 November 2004; received in revised form 18 July 2005; accepted 28 July 2005 Available online 12 September 2005

Abstract Medicinal plant use has persisted as a long standing tradition in the Mapuche communities of Southern Argentina and Chile. An ethnobotanical survey was conducted in the rural Curruhuinca community located near the mountain city of San Martin de los Andes, Argentina. Semi-structured interviews were carried out on 22 families in order to examine the present use of medicinal plants and their reputed therapeutic effects. Ecological variables, such as distance to the gathering site and biogeographical origin were also analyzed. Our results showed that the Curruhuinca dwellers cited 89 plant species for medicinal purposes, both of native and exotic origin. They know about 47 native plants, of which they use 40, and they know of 42 exotic medicinal plants of which they use 34. A differential pattern was observed given that only native species, relevant for the traditional Mapuche medicine, were collected at more distant gathering sites. The interviewees mentioned 268 plant usages. Those most frequently reported had therapeutic value for treating digestive ailments (33%), as analgesic/anti-inflammatory (25%) and antitusive (13%). Native species were mainly cited as analgesics, and for gynecological, urinary and “cultural syndrome” effects, whereas exotic species were mainly cited for digestive ailments. The total number of medicinal plants known and used by the interviewees was positively correlated with people’s age, indicating that this ancient knowledge tends to disappear in the younger generations. © 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Medicinal plants; Gathering patterns; Quantitative ethnobotany; Mapuche; Patagonia

1. Introduction Wild plant gathering is an ancient tradition that has endured in many aboriginal communities. The Mapuche people, who inhabit North-western Patagonia, still use and know about a significant diversity of wild resources (Houghton and Manby, 1985; Ladio and Lozada, 2000, 2004). The Mapuche are ancient inhabitants of the South Andean region who based their subsistence on hunting, agriculture and gathering of both medicinal and edible native plants (M¨osbach, 1992; Cevallos and Gassiot, 1996). This old custom has been deeply rooted as a family tradition among the Mapuche people. However, living conditions of these aboriginal communities at present ∗

Corresponding author. Tel.: +54 2944 423374x501. E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (A. Ladio). 0378-8741/$ – see front matter © 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2005.07.015

seem to endanger the transmission of traditional knowledge, including wild plant use, to future generations. Nevertheless, medicinal plant use persists in the Mapuche culture despite profound social and economic changes they have suffered (Montecinos and Conejeros, 1979; Meza and Villagr´an, 1991; Citarella, 1995; Schmeda-Hirschmann et al., 1999). Since the late 19th century, the Mapuche communities, made up of descendants of the native people who once inhabited the entire Andean temperate forest, have been transferred to reservations. This is particularly evident in the case of the Curruhuinca community, a rural population of 100 families settled in the forest of Lan´ın National Park. It has been documented that in Mapuche communities, wild plant knowledge decreases with age (Ladio, 2002; Ladio and Lozada, 2001, 2003). Young generations tend to leave ancestral practices behind refocusing their interests on treatments offered by western medicine. Previous studies

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in other Mapuche communities restricted to non-forested areas, have shown this trend with respect to wild plant knowledge (Ladio, 2002; Ladio and Lozada, 2004). The aim of the present study is to assess the present status of plant use and gathering patterns in the Curruhuinca community, which continues to live in the same forest environment as their ancestors, in an attempt to shed light on the more profound question of up to what point present generations are retaining knowledge about traditional plant use and medicine. In order to achieve a better and wider understanding of a given situation, ethnomedicinal studies should not only include a thorough description of plants and their reputed therapeutic effects, but should also take into account the socio-cultural and ecological circumstances of the population being studied (Benz et al., 2000; Ladio and Lozada, 2004). Plant remedies used at present by Mapuche families are integrated into the Mapuche culture and reflect their own perceptions and beliefs. Uses and reputed effects can be influenced by their traditional system of medicinal and food plant use. Innovations, losses, transformations or incorporations of plant knowledge from other sources are common processes that enrich or impoverish medicinal plant practices (Citarella, 1995). These changes could be analyzed by studying the proportion of native and exotic species that are presently used by the Curruhuinca community. When ecological circumstances are considered, the use of wild plants is strongly influenced by the access to and conservation of plant gathering environments (Ladio and Lozada, 2003, 2004). The Andean temperate forests of Patagonia have a great diversity of plants with medicinal properties (Hoffmann et al., 1992; M¨osbach, 1992). Nevertheless, due to human activity, the landscape of the region presents different degrees of disturbance which reduce the availability of forest gathering sites, thereby implying longer time necessary to obtain those resources. In addition, anthropic habitats are created in association with dwellings, roads and livestock areas, with an important invasion of exotic weeds, most of them with medicinal potential (Marzocca, 1997). Due to all these factors, we are interested in measuring the distances travelled by the Mapuche people to collect their medicinal plants, as an indirect measure of their present value. It has been proposed that choice patterns of wild resources in human foraging strategies are determined by cost and benefit trade-offs associated with energy intake in the form of calories and protein (Gragson, 1993; Ingold, 1996; Betzig, 1997). However, it is necessary to consider other factors, such as cultural influence, when applying a cost/benefit approach, in that they might have significant implications in human diet (e.g. Mead, 1975; Ladio and Lozada, 2000). The need to incorporate vitamins, minerals and other active compounds are also essential when considering this energy intake point of view (Laferri`ere, 1995; Nordeide et al., 1996). When medicinal wild plants are gathered it is likely in response to these other factors given that their caloric supplies are practically nil. Additionally, medicinal plant collection in

certain ecological sites could be strongly influenced by cultural transmission. Given these considerations, we choose to analyze the effect of distance to the gathering sites in relation to medicinal wild plant use in the Curruhuinca community. This analysis might render itself useful by revealing specific information on plant selection in accordance with the Mapuche medical system and its connection with their environment. Our primary interest has been to perform a quantitative analysis of which medicinal plants, either native or exotic, are still being used by the Curruhuinca community and the specific ailment they are used for. In addition, we wanted to find out where these medicinal plants are found, and if there are differential gathering patterns between native and exotic medicinal plants. The following hypotheses have been proposed: (a) the Curruhuinca dwellers know and use more native species than exotic ones; (b) longer travelling times might be associated with more valuable native plant remedies, and in contrast, the most common exotic plants are only selected around their dwellings; (c) a greater consensus is expected among the Curruhuinca dwellers with respect to the utilization of native medicinal species; (d) traditional ailments in the Mapuche medical system are principally treated with native plants; (e) knowledge and use of medicinal plants increases with age, especially for native plants. 1.1. Cultural setting: past and present of the Mapuche culture The Mapuche are the most important aboriginal group inhabiting the Patagonian Andean region of Argentina and Chile (M¨osbach, 1992; Donoso and Lara, 1996). In the past, the Mapuche lived as semi nomadic horticulturists and gatherers in the Andean temperate forests. At present, they have become cattle raisers and breed small herds of cows, sheep and goats, moving them from one location to another, seeking pastures for their animals. They live on lands ceded by the government, known by the surnames of their chiefs (“caciques”). Frequently, these reservations are small areas of reduced economic value forcing the residents to live under very poor conditions. In some cases, Mapuche communities coexist with “mestizos” and people of European origin in dispersed settlements. Due to the fact that many inhabitants are forced to look for additional income, an important percentage of the rural population has migrated to the cities (Falaschi, 1996). The Mapuche people traditionally practiced a particular type of medicine characteristic of shamanic cultures, with a rich medicinal herbolarium (Montecinos and Conejeros, 1979). Within traditional Mapuche medicine, all healing plants have a spirit (Citarella, 1995). Nowadays, the Mapuche herbolarium coexists with other medicinal systems found in modern society, such as popular medicine (e.g. naturism, home-medicinal recipes transmitted on television) and western medicine, which exerts a heavy

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influence due to its practice by the state health system. In relation to the latter, conventional medical practitioners, beyond their unquestionable help, do not typically manifest interest in keeping traditional medicinal practices alive nor in using Mapuche medicinal plants (Citarella, 1995). 1.2. Study site The Curruhuinca community is located in the province of Neuquen, Argentina (39◦ 50 S and 70◦ 50 W) in the Andean foothills. The study area is characterized by a marked westeast vegetational gradient. In the west, the Andean forest is dominated by several Nothofagus beech tree species and in the east, the ecotonal-steppe is dominated by shrubs and bunchgrass. The main vegetation species are Austrocedrus chilensis, Nothofagus dombeyi, Nothofagus obliqua and Nothofagus alpina, and in higher elevations Nothofagus pumilio. In the understory Maytenus boaria, Aristotelia chilensis, Berberis darwinii, Ribes magallanicum, Buddleja globosa, and Fuchsia magellanica are commonly found (Roig, 1998). The relief is characterized by mountains and valleys, and the soil is of volcanic origin. The climate is temperate with a cold winter including snow. The area receives humid westerly winds and has a mean annual temperature between 9.5 and

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5.4 ◦ C. The mean annual precipitation varies between 500 and 1500 mm and is concentrated in autumn and winter (March to September). 1.3. The Curruhuinca community The study was conducted in two locations of the Curruhuinca community: Pil-Pil and Quila Quina, comprising 60 families (Fig. 1). The families live under poor socioeconomic conditions in precarious single-room houses with almost no furniture on bare-ground. Fuel wood, collected mainly from their surroundings, is the primary energy source for cooking and heating. The access to the city of San Martin de los Andes is easy by a paved road with regular public transport service. Most adults are illiterate or semi-literate and the children attend nearby public schools where they receive bilingual education in Spanish and Mapudungum (Mapuche language). Raising livestock is their primary source of income. A professional health care assistant visits the community once a week and the nearest public hospital is located in San Martin de los Andes. Most dwellers carry out their own medical practices, but sometimes they consult the “machi” (woman) who is the most highly regarded “medical practitioner”, especially when health problems are considered related to illnesses of the soul or other supernatural factors.

Fig. 1. Location of the Curruhuinca Mapuche community in NW Patagonia, Argentina.

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2. Materials and methods 2.1. Interviews In Quila Quina and Pil Pil, a total of 22 inhabitants were interviewed, representing 40% of the community. Eighteen women and four men of different ages (X = 58.77 ± 4.06 years) were interviewed, each in representation of a different family. The interview consisted of two parts. A semistructured first section, in which general information was gathered about use and knowledge of medicinal plants, age and gender of interviewees, and a second part in which we documented unrestricted list of plant species known, utilized and gathered, and their reputed therapeutic effects. The 22 randomly selected individuals were interviewed in Spanish. All the species were mentioned by the informants by their common name, and these were later taxonomically identified by the authors. For this reason, a field herbarium was utilized in the interviews to check the taxonomic identity of the plants cited. In general, cited plants were well-known Mapuche plants, whose names refer to a single species. Gomez-Beloz (2002) has indicated that this survey method is an important analysis tool, especially when baseline plant information is already known and published for a given Amerindian group. 2.2. Use frequency and plant gathering The use frequency per species was estimated by calculating the proportion of plants cited and utilized in relation to the total number of interviewees. Similarly, gathering frequency of medicinal plants collected was estimated for the following areas: near their dwellings (less than 1000 m, including their home gardens and beyond their own property); plants collected far away (further than 1000 m), and plants obtained from outside the area which include purchased local vegetables, and plants from other regions. 2.3. Plant categorization Plants were classified into the categories of native and exotic in accordance with their biogeographical origin, and into wild or domesticated (plants found in their home gardens). Plants purchased or obtained outside the local area but native to South America, were also included as native (see Table 1), but were excluded from the analysis of origin. Plants were classified following the nomenclature of Correa (1969–1999) and Marticorena and Quezada (1985). The collected samples were classified and stored in the herbarium of Centro Regional Universitario Bariloche, University of Comahue, Bariloche, Argentina. 2.4. Plant use and ailment categories The reputed therapeutic effects and ailments treated were grouped into categories according to the main indi-

cation of use as follows: digestive, urinary tract, analgesic/ anti-inflammatory, antitusive, dermatological, gynecological/obstetric, circulatory and sedative. Digestive symptoms were grouped into gastrointestinal and hepatic-intestinal effects. We also included in the analgesic/anti-inflammatory category those effects on high respiratory tracts (anti-flu) whereas antitusive were classified as ailments of the lower respiratory tract. These categories are commonly employed by western medicine. Popular medicinal symptoms such as “empacho” (indigestion) and “sobreparto” (discomfort during menstruation, childbirth and post-childbirth) were included, respectively, in the gastrointestinal and gynecological/obstetric categories. We also took into consideration those plants used for treating cultural syndromes. Cultural syndromes, for example the much seen “evil eye”, were defined as illnesses whose signals and symptoms have multiple origins, and their diagnosis and treatment are chosen from within specific cultural and symbolic contexts (Mellado Campos et al., 1996).

3. Data analysis 3.1. Plant knowledge and use Binomial tests and chi-square tests (p < 0.05) were used to evaluate medicinal plant knowledge, use, and valorization by the local people. These methods were also used to compare native and exotic plant richness depending on differing distances traveled to obtain them. The Spearman rank correlation was used to analyze medicinal plant knowledge and use in relation to age (p < 0.05). These non-parametric tests were the most appropriate given that the data were not normally distributed (H¨oft et al., 1999). 3.2. Species consensus The “level of fidelity” (FL, Friedman et al., 1986) was utilized in order to evaluate consensus among people, i.e. number of times cited for a specific therapeutic effect in relation to the total number of times that particular species was cited.

4. Results 4.1. Individual’s self evaluation about medicinal plant knowledge and use Medicinal plant use seems to be frequent among the Curruhuinca inhabitants, given that 91% mentioned they had specific knowledge about medicinal plants and gathered several medicinal species. Some of the interviewees (27%) considered themselves knowledgeable and medicinal plant experts in their region.

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Table 1 Medicinal plants cited by the Curruhuinca people Family

Scientific name and (common name)

Plant use

Alstroemeriaceae

Alstroemeria aurea Graham (Amancay) Alternanthera pungens H.B. & K. (Yerba del pollo) Schinus johnstonii F.A.Barkley (Molle) Mulinum spinosum (Cav.) Pers. (Neneo) Eryngium paniculatum Cav.& Domb. ex Delar (Chupaya) Osmorrhiza chilensis Hook. & Arn. (Cacho cabra) Apium sp. (Apio) Conium maculatum L. (Cicuta) Sanicula graveolens Poepp. ex DC. (Cilantro silvestre) Foeniculum vulgare Mill. (Hinojo) Petroselinum sativum Hoffm. (Perejil) Tabebuia impetiginosa Standl. (Lapacho) Sambucus nigra L. (Sauco) Stellaria media (L.) Vill. (Quilloy-Quilloy) Maytenus boaria Molina (Mait´en) Chenopodium ambrosioides L. (Paico) Baccharis trimera (Less.) DC (Carqueja) Matricaria chamonilla L. (Manzanilla) Artemisia absinthium L. (Ajenjo) Tanacetum balsamita L. (Menta San Pedro) Dasyphyllum diacanthoides (Less.) Cabrera (Palo santo) Artemisa abrotanum L. (Eter) Heliantus annus L. (Girasol) Taraxacum officinale Weber (Diente de le´on) Coriaria ruscifolia L. (Huique) Austrocedrus chilensis (D.Don) Florin&Boutelje (Cipr´es) Aristotelia chilensis (Molina) Stuntz (Maqui) Equisetum bogotense H.B.K (Limpiaplata) Equisetum giganteum L. (Cola caballo) Euphorbia portulacoides L. (Pichoga) Nothofagus obliqua (Mirb.)Oerst (Roble pell´ın) Nothofagus dombeyi (Mirb.) Oerst (Coihue) Azara microphylla Hook (Chin-chin) Centaurium cachanlahuen B.L.Rob (Cachanlahue) Geranium chilensis Aedo & Mu˜noz Garm. (Corecol) Erodium cicutarium (L.)L’H´er. (Alfilerillo) Zea mays L. (Ma´ız)

Gynecological/obstetric

Amaranthaceae Anacardiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Apiaceae Bignoniaceae Caprifoliaceae Caryophyllaceae Celastraceae Chenopodiaceae Compositae Compositae Compositae Compositae Compositae Compositae Compositae Compositae Coriariaceae Cupressaceae Elaeocarpaceae Equisetaceae Equisetaceae Euphorbiaceae Fagaceae Fagaceae Flacourtiaceae Gentianaceae Geraniaceae Geraniaceae Gramineae

Origin

Status

Gathering distance

4

N

C

<1000 m

Hepatic-intestinal

4

Ea

W

<1000 m

Not specified

0

N

W

Not gathered

Urinary

9

N

W

>1000 m

Hepatic/intestinal

9

N

W

<1000 m

Hepatic-intestinal

4

N

W

<1000 m

Not specified Toxic Not specified

0 0 0

E E N

C W W

Not gathered Not gathered Not gathered

Not specified Gastrointestinal

0 0

E E

C C

Not gathered Not gathered

Not specified

4

Ea

W

Outside the area

Antitusive Anti-inflammatory/cultural syndrome

18 4

E E

C&W W

<1000 m <1000 m

Cultural syndrome Gastrointestinal/Hepatic-intestinal

4 18

N Ea

W W

<1000 m <1000 m

Hepatic-intestinal

27

N

W

>1000 m

Gastrointestinal

27

E

W

<1000 m

Gastrointestinal/Hepatic-intestinal Gastrointestinal

23 18

E E

W C

<1000 m <1000 m

Antitusive

18

N

W

>1000 m

Gastrointestinal Not specified Hepatic-intestinal

14 4 0

E E E

W C W

<1000 m Outside the area Not gathered

Dermatologic Antitusive

4 14

N N

W W

<1000 m <1000 m

Dermatologic

4

N

W

<1000 m

Urinary

32

N

W

<1000 m

Urinary

9

N

W

<1000 m

Dermatologic

0

N

W

Not gathered

Antitusive

9

N

W

<1000 m

Analgesic/anti-inflammatory

4

N

W

<1000 m

Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Analgesic/anti-inflammatory

4 27

N N

W W

<1000 m > 1000 m

0

N

W

Not gathered

14

E

W

<1000 m

4

Ea

C

Outside the area

Hepatic-intestinal Dermatologic Urinary

Use (%)

D. Estomba et al. / Journal of Ethnopharmacology 103 (2006) 109–119

114 Table 1 (Continued) Family

Scientific name and (common name)

Plant use

Use (%)

Origin

Status

Gathering distance

Gramineae Gunneraceae

Tritricum sp. (Trigo) Gunnera tinctoria (Molina)Mirb. (Nalca) Hypericum perforatum L. (Hierba de San Juan) Sisyrinchium arenarium Poeppig (Triqui-Triqui) Juglans regia L. (Nogal) Mentha sp. (Menta) Marrubium vulgare L. (Marrubio) Melissa officinalis L. (Toronjil/Melisa) Rosmarinus officinalis L. (Romero) Mentha pulegium L. (Poleo) Origanum vulgare L. (Or´egano) Salvia officinalis L. (Salvia) Laurus nobilis L. (Laurel) Medicago sativa L. (Alfalfa) Trifolium sp. (Tr´ebol) Adesmia boronioides Hook. f. (Paramela) Allium cepa L. (Cebolla) Aloe sp. (Aloe) Linum usitatissimum L. (Lino) Buddleja globosa Hope (Pa˜nil)

Dermatologic Antitusive/urinary/circulatory

4 23

E N

C W

Outside the area <1000 m

Dermatologic

0

E

W

Not gathered

Not specified

0

N

W

Not gathered

4 32 14 14

E E E E

C C&W W C

<1000 m <1000 m <1000 m <1000 m

9 9 4 0 4 0 4 0

E E E E E E N N

C C C C C C W W

<1000 m <1000 m <1000 m Not gathered <1000 m Not gathered <1000 m Not gathered

4 4 4 14

E E E N

C C C W

Outside the area Outside the area Outside the area <1000 m

9 4

E E

W C

<1000 m Outside the area

4 9

N N

W W

<1000 m >1000 m

Antitusive 14 Gastrointestinal/dermatological/cultural 32 syndrome Circulatory 4

N E

W W

<1000 m <1000 m

E

W

<1000 m

Dermatologic

4

N

W

<1000 m

Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Gynecological/obstetric

14 4

N N

W W

<1000 m <1000 m

Analgesic-anti-inflammatory Analgesic-anti-inflammatory

4 4

N N

W W

<1000 m <1000 m

Antitusive Urinary Hepatic-intestinal

4 4 4

E N E

C W C

<1000 m <1000 m Outside the area

Urinary

4

N

W

<1000 m

9 41

E N

C W

<1000 m >1000 m

Hypericaceae Iridaceae Juglandaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lamiaceae Lauraceae Leguminosae Leguminosae Leguminosae Liliaceae Liliaceae Linaceae Loganiaceae

Malvaceae Myrtaceae Onagraceae Oxalidaceae Parmeliacieae Plantaginaceae Polygonaceae Proteaceae Proteaceae Pteridaceae Ranunculaceae Rosaceae Rosaceae Rosaceae Rosaceae Rosaceae Rutaceae Santalaceae Saxifragaceae Solanacea Solanaceae Solanaceae Solanaceae Solanaceae Thymelaceae

Malva neglecta Wallr. (Malva loca) Eucalyptus globulus Labill. (Eucalipto) Fuchsia magellanica Lam. (Chilco) Oxalis adenophylla Gill. (Culle colorado) Neuropogon sp. (Flor de piedra) Plantago lanceolata L. (Llant´en) Polygonum aviculare L. (Sanguinaria) Embothrium coccineum Forst. (Notro) Lomatia hirsuta (Lam.)Diels (Radal) Cheilanthes glauca (Cav.) Mett. (Doradilla) Anemone multifida Poir. (Centella) Acaena splendens Hook. & Arn. (Cepa caballo) Malus sylvestris Mill. (Manzano) Acaena magellanica Vahl (Cadillo) Prunus persica (L.) Batsch (Durazno) Margyricarpus pinnatus Kuntze (Perlilla) Ruta graveolens L. (Ruda) Quinchamalium chilense Molina (Quinchamali) Ribes magellanicum Poir. (Zarzaparrilla) Solanum tuberosum L. (Papa e) Fabiana imbricata Ruiz & Pav. (Palo de piche) Solanum crispum Ruiz & Pav. (Natre) Cestrum parqui L’H´er. (Palque) Solanum valdiviense Dun. (Huevil) Ovidia andina Meisn. (Lloime)

Sedative Gastrointestinal Antitusive/circulatory Sedative Gastrointestinal/cultural syndrome Gastrointestinal Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Gastrointestinal Analgesic-anti-inflammatory Not specified Not specified Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Antitusive Not specified Urinary Dermatologic/gastrointestinal/hepaticIntestinal/cultural syndrome Urinary Not specified Gynecological/obstetric Analgesic/anti-inflammatory

Gastrointestinal Hepatic-intestinal Analgesic-antiinflammatory/circulatory Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Urinary

9

N

W

<1000 m

4 0

Ea N

C W

Outside the area Not gathered

Analgesic-anti-inflammatory Analgesic-anti-inflammatory Gynecological/obstetric Hepatic-intestinal

9 4 4 4

N N N N

W W W W

<1000 m <1000 m <1000 m <1000 m

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Table 1 (Continued) Family

Scientific name and (common name)

Plant use

Tiliaceae Urticaceae

Tilia cordata Mill. (Tilo) Urtica magellanica Juss. ex Poir.(Ortiga) Valeriana carnosa Sm. ˜ (Nanculahuen) Viola maculata Cav. (Oreja de rat´on) Viola odorata L. (Violeta) Drimys winteri J.R.Forst.& G.Forst. (Canelo) ?? (Altamisa)

Not specified Analgesic/anti-inflammatory

Valerianaceae Violaceae Violaceae Winteraceae –

Use (%)

Origin

Status

Gathering distance

4 4

E N

C W

Outside the area <1000 m

Cultural syndrome

32

N

W

>1000 m

Dermatologic Not specified Not specified

14 4 4

N N N

W C W

<1000 m <1000 m >1000 m

?

W

<1000 m

Analgesic/anti-inflammatory

9

Use (%) refers to percentage of people that use the plant in relation to total interviewees. Origin refers to E: exotic; N: native. Status: W (wild) or C (cultivated) plant. a South American but not Patagonian species.

4.2. Use and knowledge of native and exotic plants The richness diversity of medicinal plants known by the Curruhuinca are both native and exotic, totaling 89 species (Table 1). The individuals know and use a similar number of native and exotic species (chi-square test, p > 0.05). They know about 47 native species of which they use 40, and they know of 42 exotic species of which they use 34 (Table 1). However, when comparing the frequency cited, we found that the Curruhuinca people know and use more native than exotic species (Mann–Whitney test, p < 0.05). 4.3. Gathering patterns of native and exotic medicinal plants The proportion of exotic and native species cited by the Curruhuinca people in relation to the way of obtaining them, shows differential gathering patterns (chi-square test, p < 0.05). The richness diversity of native and exotic species collected around their dwellings (<1000 m) is similar (Binomial test, p > 0.05), but only native plants are collected in more distant sites (>1000 m) (Binomial test, p < 0.05). The most frequently used species were gathered in wild environments far from their dwellings (more than 1000 m away). For example: Centaurium cachanlahuen (27%), Quinchamalium chilense and Baccharis trimera (23% each), Valeriana carnosa and Oxalis adenophylla (9% each). Plants most

frequently used near their surroundings or in their home gardens were: Melisa officinalis (18%), Artemisia absinthium, Tanacetum balsamita, Marrubium vulgare, Ruta graveolens (14% each), Artemisa abrotanum, Mentha pulegium, Origanum vulgare, Plantago lanceolata, Mentha sp. and Matricaria chamonilla (9% each), among others (Table 1). 4.4. Plant use reported The interviewees mentioned a total of 268 plant usages (Table 2). The medicinal use most frequently reported was for digestive maladies (33%). Of these, 18% correspond to gastrointestinal ailments and 15% to hepatic-intestinal effects. Other frequently cited ailments were analgesic/antiinflammatory (25%) and antitusive effect (13%). Fifteen references (6%) were grouped as “cultural syndromes”, seven of which corresponded to the panacea category which included the use of: Valeriana carnosa, Maytenus boaria, Lomatia hirsuta and Dasyphyllum diacanthoides. Particularly important is Valeriana carnosa a plant which is said to cure seven ailments (i.e. liver, lungs, heart, stomach, bladder and blood symptoms). Treatment for “pasmo”, described as an increase of internal heat caused by having been cold, associated with the appearance of pimples on the face, and eye and throat inflammation, was cited five times and it is healed with: Buddleja globosa, Rosmarinus officinalis, Melisa officinalis and Cestrum parqui. Purging,

Table 2 Reputed therapeutic effect of medicinal plants according to the Curruhuinca community Reputed therapeutic effects

Reports for each effect (%)

Number of species reported (%)a

Species most frequently reported

Gastrointestinal and hepatic-intestinal Analgesic and anti-inflammatory Antitusive Urinary Cultural syndromes Dermatologic Circulatory Gynaecological/obstetric Sedative Total effects reported

90 (33) 68 (25) 36 (13) 18 (7) 15 (6) 15 (6) 12 (4) 9 (3) 5 (2) 268

40 (45) 34 (38) 17 (19) 11 (12) 12 (13) 12 (13) 8 (9) 9 (10) 3 (3)

Baccharis trimera, Mentha sp., Quinchamalium chilense Centaurium cachanlahuen, Lomatia hirsute Dasyphyllum diacanthoides Sambucus nigra Equisetum bogotensis Valeriana carnosa Buddleja globosa, Plantago lanceolata Gunnera tinctoria, Polygonum aviculare, Ribes magellanicum Fuchsia magellanica Melissa officinalis

a Refers

to (%) calculated from 89 species reported.

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described as a leg weakness associated with difficult micturation is cured with Mulinum spinosum, evil eye (“mal de ojo”) with Stellaria media and “tumour” with Valeriana carnosa. Cultural syndromes were mostly treated with native species (66%). 4.5. Species consensus Among the Curruhuinca people, the fidelity level was high for the exotic Sambucus nigra, used as antitusive, the native Baccharis trimera, recommended for hepatic ailments, and Centaurium cachanlahuen, a highly appreciated native species used in Mapuche medicine for its reputed analgesic and anti-inflammatory effects. When considering all the species mentioned with a high fidelity level, it is noteworthy that many of them are used for gastrointestinal and hepatic-intestinal effects (Table 3).

Table 3 Fidelity level of species with reputed therapeutic effect among the Curruhuinca people Species

Reputed therapeutic effect

Fidelity level (%)

Sambucus nigra Baccharis trimera Centaurium cachanlahuen Mentha sp. Artemisia absinthium

Antitusive Hepatic-intestinal Analgesic/anti-inflammatory Gastrointestinal Gastrointestinal and Hepato-Intestinal Hepatic-intestinal Gastrointestinal and Hepatic-Intestinal Gastrointestinal and Hepatic-Intestinal Antitusive-analgesic/antiinflammatory Antitusive-analgesic/antiinflammatory Urinary, analgesic/anti-inflammatory

78 75 69 67 67

Quinchamalium chilense Plantago lanceolata Matricaria chamonilla Marrubium vulgare Gunnera tinctoria Equisetum bogotensis

58 56 55 54 50 50

4.6. Plant use and biogeographical origin The distinction between native and exotic plants used in relation to ailments and reputed therapeutic effect showed interesting differences. Native species were more frequently cited for analgesic, gynecological and urinary effects (Binomial test, p < 0.05). In addition, for cultural syndromes, the Mapuche people tend to use native plants (11 cites) more than exotic ones (4 cites) (Binomial test, p < 0.059); this marginal significance could be due to a small sample size, n = 15). On

the other hand, more exotic species were cited for treating gastrointestinal ailments (Fig. 2). 4.7. Medicinal plant use and people’s age The total number of medicinal plants known and used by the interviewees is positively correlated with people’s age (Spearman correlation test r = 0.49 and 0.45, respec-

Fig. 2. Comparison between number of native and exotic plants reported in relation to reputed therapeutic effects given by the Curruhuinca people. Left bar: exotic species. Right bar: native species.

D. Estomba et al. / Journal of Ethnopharmacology 103 (2006) 109–119

tively, p < 0.05). Older people mentioned and utilized a higher variety of medicinal plants than younger people. It is interesting to highlight that this trend is significant only for native plants known and used (Spearman correlation test r = 0.55 and 0.45, respectively, p < 0.05) as no significant correlation was found for the use and knowledge of exotic medicinal species (p > 0.05).

5. Discussion and conclusions In the present study we found that the Curruhuinca community still maintain relevant knowledge and use wild medicinal plants, in spite of the strong influence of the nearby city of San Mart´ın de los Andes, Patagonia. Almost all of the interviewees utilize and gather at least one medicinal plant species, and half of them collect wild plants far from their dwellings. However, a severe danger of knowledge loss is evident in this community, as was documented in other ethnobotanical studies conducted in Mapuche communities of the region (Ladio and Lozada, 2003, 2004). The results of the interviews show that the Curruhuinca people cite a higher proportion of native medicinal species as was hypothesized, although the species richness mentioned is similar for native and exotic plants. Most native species seem to be appreciated by the majority of the dwellers given that they are gathered far from their homes, which coincides with our original hypothesis. Some of these frequently utilized and valued native plants are collected in far away difficult-to-reach sites, such as Quinchamalium chilense, Valeriana carnosa, Centaurium cachanlahuen and Baccharis trimera. In addition, three native species very important for Mapuche medicine, Mulinum spinosum, Adesmia boronioides and Fabiana imbricata (Mellado Campos et al., 1996), were not gathered in the area, and were obtained from friends or relatives from other Patagonian Andean regions. This fact shows that the Curruhuinca dwellers invest considerable energy in collecting native but not exotic species, suggesting a greater appreciation of these plants which appears to compensate for higher searching costs. It seems likely that these native species are not being replaced by other plants. However, it is still unknown whether this is caused by cultural inertia rooted in this community, as reported by Begossi (1998) or if there are no exotic species or wild plants found closer in the region to treat these symptoms. Nevertheless, this gathering pattern shows that human decision making processes are complex and appear to be significantly influenced by social and cultural factors, not always by rational economic payoffs, as has been suggested by other authors (Mead, 1975; Damasio, 1994; Leonti et al., 2002). However, contrary to our hypothesis, both native and exotic plants are gathered in similar numbers around their dwellings. This result differs from those of other studies conducted in Mapuche communities settled in the steppe, where exotic weeds are principally collected near their homes

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(Ladio and Lozada, 2001, 2003). This could be due to the fact that the Curruhuinca community is established in the forest, and therefore they have a higher probability of finding native species around their homes. In relation to plant use, we found that digestive problems are among the most important ones in the community, and that this category has the highest richness of species used. Moreover, the highest fidelity level was found for species utilized for treating digestive ailments. This is similar to studies from other ethnic groups, where especially gastrointestinal and hepatic illnesses show the highest importance in rural and poor communities (Leonti et al., 2001; Scarpa, 2002). Interestingly, Baccharis trimera and Quinchamalium chilense, two native species with the highest fidelity level were used for hepatic ailments, i.e. no exotic species were cited for these symptoms. The significant proportion of native plants cited for analgesic and anti-inflammatory effect, especially for Centaurium cachanlahuen, could be related to the high prevalence of respiratory tract ailments suffered in Mapuche communities, especially during winter (Citarella, 1995). Further research on the bioactivity of plants utilized by the Mapuche people (Schmeda-Hirschmann et al., 1992, 1994, 1999) could provide new data on the therapeutic potential of these medicinal species. Native plants are utilized for traditional Mapuche ailments, as was hypothesized. The most frequently cited and used species, Valeriana carnosa (˜nanculahu´en or “eagle” herb), is used to cure “seven ailments” as a “panacea”. This supposed effect is associated with its sacred connotation in Mapuche medicine (Gusinde, 1917). Paradoxically, a previous ethnobotanical study in the Curruhuinca community (Conticello et al., 1997) did not mentioned this plant, although other Valeriana species (Valeriana lapathifolia Vahl.) was cited to treat other ailments under a different Mapuche name. It is interesting to note that many of these cultural syndromes are widespread in rural populations of the world (Foster, 1953; Currier, 1966; Queiroz, 1984; Pieroni, 2002), and were probably incorporated by the Mapuche people after the Spanish conquest. Nevertheless, these cultural ailments have acquired specific Mapuche characteristics and particular curing methods through, for example, the incorporation of native species; and as a result have become an important part of their traditional medical system (Citarella, 1995). Exotic plants were more frequently mentioned for gastrointestinal digestive effects. Several exotic plants are active on the gastric mucous and on digestive tube motility (Mu˜noz et al., 1999) and probably, due to the low action specificity, many substances might present similar effects, allowing for the replacement of certain species by others with a more pleasant taste such as Mentha sp. Cultural syndrome classification is complex because the traditional medicinal Cosmovision differs from western concepts and interpretations. This could have introduced biases in the interview process. For example, a culturally important

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species, historically used by the Mapuche people, such as Centaurium cachanlahuen, was not included in our cultural syndrome category because it was shown to display analgesic and anti-inflammatory effects. This species contains xanthones, which are known to have anti-inflammatory, antifungic and antibacterial properties among others (Mu˜noz et al., 1999). In addition, a probable underestimation of cultural syndromes is possible due to the fact that our study was restricted to the domestic area and therefore, cultural ailments and species used by Mapuche healers to treat them have possibly been excluded. Our results show that native medicinal plant use increases with age, i.e. older people use more medicinal species than younger ones. This correlation is not observed for the use of exotic species. As was hypothesized, this community suffers an important erosion of wild medicinal plant knowledge, particularly for native species. Additionally, cultural syndromes, showed a relatively low citing frequency of (6%) and an exotic species, Sambucus nigra, presented the highest fidelity level. This could also reflect a decline of the unique Mapuche medical Cosmovision. The trend towards the loss of culture-bound syndromes in rural communities in Latin America has also been found in other ethnobotanical studies (e.g. Leonti et al., 2001). In conclusion, the Curruhuinca people still utilize and gather medicinal plants, tending to prioritize those native species collected at distant gathering sites, particularly to treat analgesic/anti-inflammatory, gynecological, urinary and cultural ailments. The preservation of the native flora appears to be crucial for the maintenance of both biological and cultural diversity of these ancient settlers of Patagonia. This fact stresses the need to promote locally based conservation and management projects in order to preserve this invaluable wisdom that could improve the quality of life of many families inhabiting northwestern Patagonia.

Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cient´ıficas y T´ecnicas, the Universidad Nacional del Comahue of Argentina (grant 04/B 102), and the FONCYT (grant PICT 01-06429). We are thankful for the revisions of the English manuscript by Andy Schwartz and Damasia Lozada. We also want to thank to Juan Gowda for his assistance in preparing the electronic map, and Mariana Weigandt for her field assistance. Special gratitude is expressed to the families from Curruhuinca for their kind hospitality.

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