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Population and employment in developing countries
‘62
Book
(‘radical professionalism’. as Hague calls it) which will not only confront the limits of existing structures and agencies but also create the space for a more socially aware set of practices. Hague’s book lies firmly within this perspective. Essentially a study of urban development and town planning ideas and practice in Edinburgh, it seeks to provide a theoreticai framework both for the location of town planning and for the development of radical prof2ssional practice. In Part 1 of the book, Hague argues that to understand town planning we need to comprehend three linked dimensions: the economic, political and socio-cultural. In terms of the economic dimension, he concentrates on the process which he sees as underlying the production of the built environment under capitalism. The appropriation and accumulation of surplus value is the driving force of the capitalist system and this produces not only uneven development in sectors of production and component parts of capital but also uneven spatial development. So he argues, ‘This is the process which underpins the “old” differentiation between imperialist nations and their colonies, between regions within nations, and between town and country. It is still the dynamic of this process which has created the “new” differentiations between the and metropolitan countries, between neo-colonies conurbations and free-standing country towns and also suburbia and the inner city’. With refereric to the political, Hague concentrates on the historical development of town planning as an activity of the state and argues that -British planning has been shaped not just by the historical shift in the balance between the power of classes and within classes over tim2, but also by the historical balance that has occurred in a particular place’. It is this historical specificity of particular places which provides the rational2 for his case study of Edinburgh. Although defining his third dimension as concerned with ‘the way that the production of planning of places has been and the interests that have structured that perceived, perception’, Hague rather surprisingly limits himself to considering how the planning profession has responded to the changing role of the state in the production of the built environment. Part 1 is extremely disappointing for two reasons: the lack of new material and analysis and the omission of major work which might have illuminated Hague’s three dimensions. For instance, the discussion of the economic dimension in terms of uneven development is well-trodden ground and Hague adds nothing new. But if he really wishes to understand the process producing the built environment under capitalism, why does he neglect the important contribution of David Harvey to this area in recent years? Hague could counter that his analysis is different because he relies heavily on the work of E. Mandel, who is generally little referred to in neo-marxist social science and planning. However, in my view, th2 neglect of Mandel is not accidental but a product of his sterile orthodoxy which contrasts with recent creativity in marxist thought. Indeed, Hague’s reliance on Mandel leads not to new insights and greater sophistication but rather to the repetition of simple and well-rehearsed arguments. With Mandel, there is a danger of being led back to the marxist kindergarten from which we hoped we had graduated in recent years. Part 2 is an extended case study of the practice of planning in Edinburgh. The purpose is to analyse the ways in which historically specific forms of urban development and
Reviews locally-based class structures impinge on the practice of town planning. Edinburgh has a unique class structure as a consequence of it being a centre of administration and finance and a capital city. This not only means that it has a large middle class which is dependent on law, finance. administration and education. but also that its working class is smaller and historically less significant than would be the case in a manufacturing city of the same size. The weakness of the working class in terms of its access to power has been exaggerated by the existence of powerful institutions like the Scottish Office and the University. According to Hague. ‘it is this class structure which is the source of the problems of rationality, legitimation, and motivation which town planners have faced’. This provides the backcloth to the them2 running through the case study: the contradiction between the need to modernise the city’s structure and form in terms of the imperative of capital accumulation and the desire to preserve the historic city. The case study makes fascinating reading and the richness of the historical detail contrasts sharply with the paucity of the theoretical discussion in Part 1. But even in the case study, Hague is not successful in his own aim of interweaving theory with practice. One reason for this is the difficulty of reconciling the set of simple theoretical propositions which he has established with. what he ref2rs to as, ‘the city’s unique physical environment’, its ‘peculiar class structure’ and ‘the particularities of planning in Edinburgh’. The subtlety and significance of historical processes and particular localities cannot be easily captured by the misplaced abstractness and simplicity of his theoretical framework. In conclusion, I would not recommend you to spend f25.00 on this book. For those familiar with recent neomarxist work in the social sciences and planning, Part 1 is probably not worth reading. For those not familiar with such work, I would not recommend it as it provides a poor introduction to that tradition. But I would recommend you to order it for your library and to read (and get your students to read) the case study. There are unfortunately few of these available and it provides an interesting account of the development of one city and its associated planning practice and ideology. GLEN XlcDOUGALL Department of Town Planning Oxford Polytechnic, U.K.
Population and Employment in Developing Countries, Background Papers for Training in Population, Human Resources and Development Planning, G.M. Farooq, Paper No. 1. viii + 88 pp., International Labour Office, Geneva, 15 Swiss francs
This is the first of a new series of training manuals aimed at the ILO’s population, human resources and development planning training projects. The aim is to integrate population issues more directly into the socio-economic development process rather than treating them in isolation, a situation only too apparent in the development plans and policies of many countries. The present introductory paper examines the severity of employment problems in lessdeveloped countries and explains the relationship between unemployment and other socio-economic factors, including the demographic base. Tlr2 specific directions of future
Book Reviews papers in the series are not discussed but will presumably consider in detail particular issues of fertility and mentality, migration and employment, issues that have concerned ILO, and the sponsoring agency UNFPA, for much more than a decade. If the collective expertise available in Geneva and its outposts is translated into subsequent papers the series will undoubtedly prove of real value for those engaged in development planning in LDCs. The present slim work breaks no new ground, providing a general introduction to the concepts of population and employment, examining the basic problems of defining, measuring and understanding concepts relating to labour force and its under-utilisation, and tracing the factors determining the supply and demand for labour. This is followed by a brief examination of the sources and causes of the employment problem and a review of a range of policies directed towards resolving employment problems; these include direct population-related policies (resettlement schemes), rural development, policies for the development of the informal sector, new forms of technology, education and training policies and particular policies for disadvantaged groups. The section on policies directed towards employment problems covers only six doublespaced pages hence it is apparent that the whole paper does no more than touch extremely lightly on this or any other topic. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the need for both a better understanding of demographic influences on development and the reduction of population growth as part of a long-term approach to employment problems. It achieves this elegantly and simply but it will only be in subsequent papers that development planners will have specifics to chew on and academics given cause to ponder and challenge conventional contemporary assumptions. JOHN CONNELL Department of Geography University of Sydney, Australia
Mid-Wales Uplands Study, M. Parry and G. Sinclair, 57 pp. + 35 appendices, 1985, CCP 177, Countryside Commission, Cheltenham, f5.00
Over the past decade considerable cqncem has been expressed about the future of the uplands in Britain. The uplands may be broadly defined as land above 240 metres and account for some 13% (2 million hectares) of England and Wales. While there are regional and local variations the uplands do share a commonality of geography and character, and share similar problems. Recent changes must be seen in the context of history and the close relationship between social, economic and landscape change. The Centre for Agricultural Strategy (CAS) (Reading University) organised a symposium to explore these inter-relationships in 1977 and the published papers (CAS, 1978) provided a timely nudge for the Countryside Commission to initiate a review of government policies affecting the uplands (Countryside Commission, 1983a, b, 1984). This debate warned of the problem of generalisations when discussing the complex problems of landscape change in the uplands (Countryside Commission, 1983a). It also highlighted the difficulties of compiling accurate and consistent time-series data that can be used in
263
comparative analysis. The main changes and influences relevant to upland scenery have been examined in recent research studies, particularly ‘The Changing Uplands’ (Sinclair et al., 1983) and ‘The Economy of Communities in National Parks’ (TRRU, 1983). There remained little factual basis for discussion about the future of the landscape. The Countryside Commission therefore established this detailed study of land-use change in Mid-Wales, in an area generally known as the Cambrian Mountains. This sparsely populated, remote, beautiful and very distinctive part of Wales was recognised as a quality landscape in the Hobhouse Report 1947, and by the Countryside Commission, whose designation of the area as a National Park in 1972 was not confirmed by the Secretary of State for Wales. The study area chosen for this close examination is based upon that defined for the national park proposal, comprising some 130,843 ha. The authors claim this to be the most detailed study of landscape change since 1948. In the main they have succeeded in reconciling six different data sources (collected at different periods, in different ways, for different purposes) to produce a fascinating, very valuable and clear picture of dramatic and quite dynamic landscape change over the past 37 years. The Mid- Wales Uplands Study is presented in three parts. Sections One and Two examine land-use change between 1948 and 1983 using aerial photography, Ordnance Survey maps and field surveys to map patterns of physical change in the whole study area (Section l), and in a detailed review of five sample areas (Section 2). This information, which is well presented in a very digestible manner, does not however permit an understanding of how or why the pattern of land-use emerged. Section Three therefore examines land-use systems by attempting to relate land to people. This analysis explores landownership, population structure, land quality and constraints upon land-use. It is a shame that less effort appears to have gone into this aspect of the study. Arguably it is the cultural, sociological and economical influences upon land management and tenure which dictate land-use decisions. This section is somewhat lightweight in its attempt to identify the influences on land-use in Mid-Wales. The authors’ claim that ‘taken together the study provides an understanding of the past and present and trends for the future’ is overstated. Nonetheless the study does provide a valuable data bank that will prove useful in the current appraisal for the EEC Article 19 of the Agricultural Regulations review of ‘Environmentally Sensitive Areas’ in England and Wales. The Mid-Wales Uplands Study clearly identifies the main changes that have taken place since 1948 and are taking place today. It is encouraging to note that 55% of the study area is in multiple use but there is no assessment of access in this definition. The extent of the public estate is considerable, totalling some 41% of the area, however less than 2% is owned by conservation bodies. The realisation that landscape quality is deteriorating, and that the two primary land uses - agriculture and forestry - remain outside effective planning control is of continuing concern. Landscape management is critical in Mid-Wales; perhaps the ‘Environmentally Sensitive Areas’ legislation will provide an answer. In the meantime we are likely to see a continued loss of rough pasture (reduced from 78% of the study area in 1948 to 55% in 1983) through conversion to
Book
(‘radical professionalism’. as Hague calls it) which will not only confront the limits of existing structures and agencies but also create the space for a more socially aware set of practices. Hague’s book lies firmly within this perspective. Essentially a study of urban development and town planning ideas and practice in Edinburgh, it seeks to provide a theoreticai framework both for the location of town planning and for the development of radical prof2ssional practice. In Part 1 of the book, Hague argues that to understand town planning we need to comprehend three linked dimensions: the economic, political and socio-cultural. In terms of the economic dimension, he concentrates on the process which he sees as underlying the production of the built environment under capitalism. The appropriation and accumulation of surplus value is the driving force of the capitalist system and this produces not only uneven development in sectors of production and component parts of capital but also uneven spatial development. So he argues, ‘This is the process which underpins the “old” differentiation between imperialist nations and their colonies, between regions within nations, and between town and country. It is still the dynamic of this process which has created the “new” differentiations between the and metropolitan countries, between neo-colonies conurbations and free-standing country towns and also suburbia and the inner city’. With refereric to the political, Hague concentrates on the historical development of town planning as an activity of the state and argues that -British planning has been shaped not just by the historical shift in the balance between the power of classes and within classes over tim2, but also by the historical balance that has occurred in a particular place’. It is this historical specificity of particular places which provides the rational2 for his case study of Edinburgh. Although defining his third dimension as concerned with ‘the way that the production of planning of places has been and the interests that have structured that perceived, perception’, Hague rather surprisingly limits himself to considering how the planning profession has responded to the changing role of the state in the production of the built environment. Part 1 is extremely disappointing for two reasons: the lack of new material and analysis and the omission of major work which might have illuminated Hague’s three dimensions. For instance, the discussion of the economic dimension in terms of uneven development is well-trodden ground and Hague adds nothing new. But if he really wishes to understand the process producing the built environment under capitalism, why does he neglect the important contribution of David Harvey to this area in recent years? Hague could counter that his analysis is different because he relies heavily on the work of E. Mandel, who is generally little referred to in neo-marxist social science and planning. However, in my view, th2 neglect of Mandel is not accidental but a product of his sterile orthodoxy which contrasts with recent creativity in marxist thought. Indeed, Hague’s reliance on Mandel leads not to new insights and greater sophistication but rather to the repetition of simple and well-rehearsed arguments. With Mandel, there is a danger of being led back to the marxist kindergarten from which we hoped we had graduated in recent years. Part 2 is an extended case study of the practice of planning in Edinburgh. The purpose is to analyse the ways in which historically specific forms of urban development and
Reviews locally-based class structures impinge on the practice of town planning. Edinburgh has a unique class structure as a consequence of it being a centre of administration and finance and a capital city. This not only means that it has a large middle class which is dependent on law, finance. administration and education. but also that its working class is smaller and historically less significant than would be the case in a manufacturing city of the same size. The weakness of the working class in terms of its access to power has been exaggerated by the existence of powerful institutions like the Scottish Office and the University. According to Hague. ‘it is this class structure which is the source of the problems of rationality, legitimation, and motivation which town planners have faced’. This provides the backcloth to the them2 running through the case study: the contradiction between the need to modernise the city’s structure and form in terms of the imperative of capital accumulation and the desire to preserve the historic city. The case study makes fascinating reading and the richness of the historical detail contrasts sharply with the paucity of the theoretical discussion in Part 1. But even in the case study, Hague is not successful in his own aim of interweaving theory with practice. One reason for this is the difficulty of reconciling the set of simple theoretical propositions which he has established with. what he ref2rs to as, ‘the city’s unique physical environment’, its ‘peculiar class structure’ and ‘the particularities of planning in Edinburgh’. The subtlety and significance of historical processes and particular localities cannot be easily captured by the misplaced abstractness and simplicity of his theoretical framework. In conclusion, I would not recommend you to spend f25.00 on this book. For those familiar with recent neomarxist work in the social sciences and planning, Part 1 is probably not worth reading. For those not familiar with such work, I would not recommend it as it provides a poor introduction to that tradition. But I would recommend you to order it for your library and to read (and get your students to read) the case study. There are unfortunately few of these available and it provides an interesting account of the development of one city and its associated planning practice and ideology. GLEN XlcDOUGALL Department of Town Planning Oxford Polytechnic, U.K.
Population and Employment in Developing Countries, Background Papers for Training in Population, Human Resources and Development Planning, G.M. Farooq, Paper No. 1. viii + 88 pp., International Labour Office, Geneva, 15 Swiss francs
This is the first of a new series of training manuals aimed at the ILO’s population, human resources and development planning training projects. The aim is to integrate population issues more directly into the socio-economic development process rather than treating them in isolation, a situation only too apparent in the development plans and policies of many countries. The present introductory paper examines the severity of employment problems in lessdeveloped countries and explains the relationship between unemployment and other socio-economic factors, including the demographic base. Tlr2 specific directions of future
Book Reviews papers in the series are not discussed but will presumably consider in detail particular issues of fertility and mentality, migration and employment, issues that have concerned ILO, and the sponsoring agency UNFPA, for much more than a decade. If the collective expertise available in Geneva and its outposts is translated into subsequent papers the series will undoubtedly prove of real value for those engaged in development planning in LDCs. The present slim work breaks no new ground, providing a general introduction to the concepts of population and employment, examining the basic problems of defining, measuring and understanding concepts relating to labour force and its under-utilisation, and tracing the factors determining the supply and demand for labour. This is followed by a brief examination of the sources and causes of the employment problem and a review of a range of policies directed towards resolving employment problems; these include direct population-related policies (resettlement schemes), rural development, policies for the development of the informal sector, new forms of technology, education and training policies and particular policies for disadvantaged groups. The section on policies directed towards employment problems covers only six doublespaced pages hence it is apparent that the whole paper does no more than touch extremely lightly on this or any other topic. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the need for both a better understanding of demographic influences on development and the reduction of population growth as part of a long-term approach to employment problems. It achieves this elegantly and simply but it will only be in subsequent papers that development planners will have specifics to chew on and academics given cause to ponder and challenge conventional contemporary assumptions. JOHN CONNELL Department of Geography University of Sydney, Australia
Mid-Wales Uplands Study, M. Parry and G. Sinclair, 57 pp. + 35 appendices, 1985, CCP 177, Countryside Commission, Cheltenham, f5.00
Over the past decade considerable cqncem has been expressed about the future of the uplands in Britain. The uplands may be broadly defined as land above 240 metres and account for some 13% (2 million hectares) of England and Wales. While there are regional and local variations the uplands do share a commonality of geography and character, and share similar problems. Recent changes must be seen in the context of history and the close relationship between social, economic and landscape change. The Centre for Agricultural Strategy (CAS) (Reading University) organised a symposium to explore these inter-relationships in 1977 and the published papers (CAS, 1978) provided a timely nudge for the Countryside Commission to initiate a review of government policies affecting the uplands (Countryside Commission, 1983a, b, 1984). This debate warned of the problem of generalisations when discussing the complex problems of landscape change in the uplands (Countryside Commission, 1983a). It also highlighted the difficulties of compiling accurate and consistent time-series data that can be used in
263
comparative analysis. The main changes and influences relevant to upland scenery have been examined in recent research studies, particularly ‘The Changing Uplands’ (Sinclair et al., 1983) and ‘The Economy of Communities in National Parks’ (TRRU, 1983). There remained little factual basis for discussion about the future of the landscape. The Countryside Commission therefore established this detailed study of land-use change in Mid-Wales, in an area generally known as the Cambrian Mountains. This sparsely populated, remote, beautiful and very distinctive part of Wales was recognised as a quality landscape in the Hobhouse Report 1947, and by the Countryside Commission, whose designation of the area as a National Park in 1972 was not confirmed by the Secretary of State for Wales. The study area chosen for this close examination is based upon that defined for the national park proposal, comprising some 130,843 ha. The authors claim this to be the most detailed study of landscape change since 1948. In the main they have succeeded in reconciling six different data sources (collected at different periods, in different ways, for different purposes) to produce a fascinating, very valuable and clear picture of dramatic and quite dynamic landscape change over the past 37 years. The Mid- Wales Uplands Study is presented in three parts. Sections One and Two examine land-use change between 1948 and 1983 using aerial photography, Ordnance Survey maps and field surveys to map patterns of physical change in the whole study area (Section l), and in a detailed review of five sample areas (Section 2). This information, which is well presented in a very digestible manner, does not however permit an understanding of how or why the pattern of land-use emerged. Section Three therefore examines land-use systems by attempting to relate land to people. This analysis explores landownership, population structure, land quality and constraints upon land-use. It is a shame that less effort appears to have gone into this aspect of the study. Arguably it is the cultural, sociological and economical influences upon land management and tenure which dictate land-use decisions. This section is somewhat lightweight in its attempt to identify the influences on land-use in Mid-Wales. The authors’ claim that ‘taken together the study provides an understanding of the past and present and trends for the future’ is overstated. Nonetheless the study does provide a valuable data bank that will prove useful in the current appraisal for the EEC Article 19 of the Agricultural Regulations review of ‘Environmentally Sensitive Areas’ in England and Wales. The Mid-Wales Uplands Study clearly identifies the main changes that have taken place since 1948 and are taking place today. It is encouraging to note that 55% of the study area is in multiple use but there is no assessment of access in this definition. The extent of the public estate is considerable, totalling some 41% of the area, however less than 2% is owned by conservation bodies. The realisation that landscape quality is deteriorating, and that the two primary land uses - agriculture and forestry - remain outside effective planning control is of continuing concern. Landscape management is critical in Mid-Wales; perhaps the ‘Environmentally Sensitive Areas’ legislation will provide an answer. In the meantime we are likely to see a continued loss of rough pasture (reduced from 78% of the study area in 1948 to 55% in 1983) through conversion to