Post-Beijing reflections: Creating ripples, but not waves in China

Pergamon

Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 235-252, 1997 Copyright © 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/97 $17.00 + .00

PII S0277-5395(97)00009-5

POST-BEIJING REFLECTIONS: CREATING RIPPLES, BUT NOT WAVES IN CHINA JUDE HOWELL School of Development Studies, University of East Anglia, Norwich, NR4 7TJ, UK

Synopsis - - Media coverage of the Fourth World Conference on Women tended to focus on the tight security arrangements in China and the restrictions on expression at the conference site, at the expense of the principal themes debated such as equality, development, and peace. Furthermore, reporters tended to highlight the problems of human rights abuse and the controversial themes of Tibet and family planning at the expense of a consideration of the impact of the event on gender policy and organisation in China. It is the purpose of this article to add another dimension to our understanding of the value of the Conference and in particular to explore the impact of this grand meeting on women's organisations in China. The article begins with a general discussion of the role of state women's agencies in addressing gender inequities and then focusses on the case of the All-China Women's Federation, the official body representing women in China. In the second section the contribution of the Conference to the process of change within the All-China Women's Federation is explored. This is followed by a discussion of the catalytic effect of the Conference on the development of non-governmental women's organisations. Policy and research into gender issues has also been galvanised as a result of the preparations for the meeting and this is taken up in the fourth part. Finally the article reflects upon the prospects for change in the institutional make-up of gender policy, research and activism. © 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd

F o r 10 autumnal days, Huairou, a small, sleepy c o u n t y r e s o r t - t o w n in the n o r t h e r n part o f B e i j i n g municipality, b e c a m e centre-stage to the w o r l d ' s largest N G O c o n f e r e n c e on w o m e n . O v e r 30,000 participants gathered to e x c h a n g e experiences, network, and prepare for l o b b y i n g the official U N Fourth W o r l d C o n f e r e n c e o f W o m e n . W h e t h e r h u d d l e d t o g e t h e r in rainslashed inflatable tents or squatting on the bare floors o f overfilled c l a s s r o o m s or standing for hours in p a c k e d plenary sessions, delegates listened, questioned, laughed, cried, argued, shouted, and debated passionately. T h e r e w e r e o v e r 4,000 w o r k s h o p s and panels, c o v e r i n g topics ranging f r o m the familiar, such as abortion rights, w a g e s for h o u s e w o r k , and sexuality to the m o r e unusual, such as the N i g e r i a n Policew i v e s ' Association, W o m e n H e a l i n g Oceans, or the Spirit S p a c e Project. W h i l e the Western meI am grateful to Maureen Fell for scanning Western newspapers for coverage of the Fourth World Conference on Women and to the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions in preparing the final version. 235

dia f o c u s s e d its attention on the pitiful heaps o f c o l l a p s e d tents, the u n r e l e n t i n g security arr a n g e m e n t s and the h a l f - f i n i s h e d buildings, w o m e n delegates got on with the m u c h harder task o f trying to change g o v e r n m e n t policy. The costs o f the c o n f e r e n c e h a v e yet to be finally estimated. H o w e v e r , there is a lingering doubt in m a n y p e o p l e ' s minds as to the overall value o f such large-scale events. G i v e n the unfortunate distance o f the N G O f o r u m f r o m the official site, it b e c a m e e v e n harder for N G O activists to lobby g o v e r n m e n t s . With so m a n y people, so m a n y workshops, so little room, and p o o r translation facilities it was a tough challenge indeed to maintain a coherent thread, let alone h a m m e r out detailed policy positions. F o r s o m e critics it was the ultimate irony to hold such a s y m b o l i c international e v e n t in a country that they p e r c e i v e d as u n d e m o c r a t i c and dism i s s i v e o f w o m e n ' s r e p r o d u c t i v e rights. The m o r e cynical m i g h t argue that the ostentatious posturing o f feminist elites m a k e s little differe n c e to g o v e r n m e n t policy, let alone the day-today lives o f p o o r w o m e n .

236

JUDEHOWELL

While this article does not attempt to justify such large-scale meetings, or to defend the choice of China for this particular event, it does seek to show that for the women's organisations in the host country this conference has made a difference. Unfortunately, Western media coverage of the gathering tended not only to focus on China at the expense of the issues being discussed, but also to present China in a negative light, highlighting the not uncontroversial themes of Tibet, female infanticide, and human rights. As a result, the impact of the conference on the institutional articulation of gender matters on policy and research in China have gone unnoticed to the wider audience. In this article I set out to rectify this imbalance by exploring in greater detail the significance of the conference for women's organisations and gender issues in China. I begin by discussing in general the role of state women's agencies in furthering the status of women and addressing gender inequities, and then proceed to focus on the case of the All-China Women's Federation (ACWF), the official body, and until the reform period, the only body representing women in China. Against this background I move on to explore the impact of the Fourth World Conference for Women on the ACWF, looking at how the preparatory process brought women's cadres abruptly into contact with international feminist debates and how the organisation responded to the political tensions during the grand event. In the third section I show how the preparations for the conference accelerated the development of non-official w o m e n ' s groups. I then go on to examine the effects on and implications for policy and gender research. Finally, I consider some of the constraints and prospects for change created or reinforced by the conference. The article is based upon an exploration of Chinese and English sources covering the Fourth World Women's Conference, observations made and informal discussions held with participants during the NGO Forum, as well as interviews with Women's Federation officials at national, provincial, and municipal levels and non-governmental women's organisations between 1991 and 1995.1 It also draws upon the results of a survey of 1,502 women in Shenyang and Nantong conducted over a period of 2 months in the autumn of 1992. 2

SEEKING CHANGE THROUGH WOMEN'S ORGANISATIONS: THE ALL-CHINA WOMEN'S FEDERATION

Feminism from above Women's movements in the late 1960s in the USA and Western Europe played an important historical role in putting gender issues onto the political agenda. The proliferation of consciousness-raising groups, women's refuges, women's centres, as well as the organisation of protest around gender issues such as abortion, safety of public spaces, and child-care facilities were testimony to the vibrancy and dynamism of the movements and pointed to a growing swell of criticism of accepted values, beliefs, and hierarchies. Similarly, the growth in the 1980s and 1990s of women's movements in the South resisting the gendered impact of structural adjustment programmes have served as important historical landmarks in highlighting the links between gender and development policies (Daines& Seddon, 1994). As women organising themselves within the space of civil society began to bring about political and legislative change, the potential role of the state as an ally in furthering the status and rights of women and reducing gender inequities began to draw the attention of feminist scholars and activists. Since the 1960s the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women had been calling upon governments to set up specialised institutions to advance the economic, political, and social position of women. The idea of a government establishing women-focused departments was by no means new. Set up in 1920, the Women's Bureau of the Department of Labour in the US was one of the first specialised state agencies to address some of the specific concerns of women (Stetson & Mazur, 1995, p. 2). With the United Nations declaring 1975-1985 the Decade of Women governments came under increasing pressure to prioritise gender inequities as a matter of political and public concern, and to give these institutional sustenance. Since then specialised state women's agencies have proliferated throughout the world, taking a variety of forms, such as women's ministries, women's commissions, gender units, women's advisory groups, women's committees, women's bureaux within ministries, and so on. Feminist academics and activists have harboured

Post-Beijing Reflections

their doubts about the representativeness and effectiveness of such specialised state agencies attempting to introduce " f e m i n i s m from above." Taking the functionalist-structuralist position that the state is but the instrument of the capital class Marxist feminists such as Barrett (1980) and Mackintosh (1978) have argued that the state serves to organise and consolidate women's economic dependency through its social welfare policies, segregated labour markets, and gendered ideologies and so ensure the reproduction of the working class for capital. Building on the marxist framework feminist theorists such as Eisenstein (1984) have argued that the state is patriarchal as well as capitalist. With the emphasis on patriarchy radical feminists such as MacKinnon (1987) contend that the state is embedded in and implicated in a more general process of patriarchal dominance and female subordination, which potentially renders policy or legislative change inadequate in overcoming gender subordination. More recently post-modern feminists have eschewed regarding the state as an actor or structure and favoured a Foucauldian interpretation that conceptualises the state as "a set of arenas and a collection of practices" (Watson, 1992, p. 186). According to this the state then becomes "an important site for the construction of gendered power relations," thus allowing the possibility of effecting change upon this site (Watson, 1992, p. 187). The prospects of the state serving as a site upon and through which feminist goals can be pursued is endorsed by the findings of Stetson and Mazur's (1995) ground-breaking crossnational study of attempts to institutionalise feminist interests, one of the first major pieces of empirical research on state feminism. They conclude that women's state agencies in 13 of their 14 case studies, the exception being Poland, "have had some influence in the development and implementation of policies that advance women's status and challenge gender hierarchies" (p. 273). Crucial ingredients for an effective women's policy machinery include not only a state that is perceived as the locus of social justice and that has the capacity to respond creatively to demands for greater equality, but also a civil society harbouring active radical and reformist feminist organisations. The importance of a dynamic array of women's organisations in civil society, which has access to but is not compromised by the state women's

237

agencies, is of crucial relevance in our discussion of women's organisations in socialist states such as China. For ideological, historical, and political reasons socialist states such as China, Cuba, and the former Soviet Union have enjoyed a long history of state women' s agencies. As such they offer a rich and important field of study for assessing the potential achievements and limitations of the state in turning gender rhetoric into practice. Despite the official recognition of women's oppression as a social and political problem requiring state solutions, the effectiveness of these organisations has been weakened by their continuing subordination to the policy priorities of their respective Marxist-Leninist parties (Molyneux, 1981, p. 34). Where in the Cold War context any departure from the goals of the ruling party could be interpreted as a betrayal of the revolution, and any critical interrogation of the class-based analysis of gender oppression might be condemned as bourgeois speculation, such women's organisations had little room to manoeuvre either theoretically or politically. Closely aligned with and dependent upon the ruling Marxist-Leninist parties, it is not surprising that this particular breed of official women's organisations suffered a similar fate to their political masters 3 in the turbulent years of the late 1980s. For many women few tears were shed upon the demise of these bureaucratic women's bodies. Since the collapse of socialism in the 1980s, many of the gains for women achieved under the former political regimes have been lost. As anti-abortion legislation found its way through the new parliament in Poland, as kindergartens closed in the German Democratic Republic, as women became the first to lose their jobs in Russia, and as the commoditisation of sex swept across the former Soviet Union, the need to challenge these new gendered policies and practices has become more urgent than ever (Bridger, 1992; Bridger, Kay, & Pinnick, 1996; Buckley, 1992; Einhorn, 1993; Koval, 1995; Molyneux, 1994). Yet the close ideological, historical, and organisational bonds between the official women's organisations and the various Marxist-Leninist parties and between the discourse of gender equality and emancipation with socialism has made it difficult for feminists in the new democratic states to find a language to articulate their ideas and mobilise opinion. At a meeting of European

238

JUDE HOWELL

socialist feminists in the early 1990s, a despondent Russian feminist argued passionately against retaining either the word socialist or feminist in the name of the organisation as their meanings were so closely associated with the past regime. 4 The extremity of the backlash in former socialist states not only exposed the fragility and lack of credibility of the official women's organisations but also underlined the dire and regrettable consequences of the MarxistLeninist parties' determination to constrict the sphere of civil society and so limit any challenges to its authority. In this way, the ruling parties eliminated one of the important ingredients for an effective gender policy, namely, a vibrant sphere of autonomous, grassroots, feminist organisations.

The ACWF." seeking greater autonomy Given the fate of the official women's organisations in the former socialist states, the prospects for the ACWF are understandably of interest. With its close links with and subordination to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), any change in the political regime could also herald its downfall. As will be revealed in the article, the ACWF has been undergoing a process of change during the reform period, and, in particular, seeking a more autonomous role from the Party. The preparations for the Fourth World Conference for Women as well as the actual event itself have contributed positively towards this ongoing process of institutional redefinition. To understand the role of the conference in this process, we should have some appreciation of the nature and causes of change occurring within the ACWF in the reform period. The key axis of tension bedevelling the ACWF since Liberation, and indeed other mass organisations such as the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), has been its subordinate relationship to the CCP. The greater openness of the reform period, as well as the gendered impact of the new economic measures, have underlined the need for change within the ACWF both to respond effectively to the rapid proliferation of new and diverse demands as well as to retain its legitimacy as an organisation representative of women's interests. More importantly, it has drawn attention to the limitations of its close relationship with the

CCP, stimulating demands within the organisation for a more autonomous role. As a mass organisation the ACWF theoretically functions as "a transmission belt" between the CCP and its constituency, conveying Party policy downwards and reflecting the opinions of women upwards. While this intermediary function might suggest an equidistance between the two poles of the Party and its constituency of women, its structural character betrays a much closer allegiance to the Partystate. With its staff appointed and paid for by the state and its top-down, Leninist style of working the ACWF is very much an official organ (Howell, 1996). Like other state institutions its tentacles stretch vertically from the centre down to the village, though below the city level, positions are only part-time and either unpaid or poorly remunerated. Since its resurrection in 1978, the ACWF has indeed become an extensive organisation, laying claim in 1994 to 68,355 branches, 30 at provincial level, 370 at city level, 2,810 at county level and 65,145 at township level and between 80,000 - - 90,000 cadres throughout China (Li, 1992). Given the dual tasks of the ACWF as an intermediary organ it faces the crucial dilemma of having to prioritise the sometimes contradictory interests of its members and those of the Party. Like official women's bodies in other socialist states the ACWF has tended to subordinate the concerns of women to those of the Party. In the 1950s the ACWF played an important role in mobilising women into the workforce, organising literacy and health campaigns for women, pushing for equal pay, though always conscious of the need to pursue Party policy (Davin, 1976, p. 67). As in the ACFTU, however, there has been a tendency since Liberation for some ACWF cadres to demand greater organisational autonomy and to push forward the interests of women. Put out of action during the stormy years of the Cultural Revolution, the opportunity for the ACWF to renegotiate this relationship was left until the reform period. The package of reforms introduced under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping from 1978 onward brought about not only phenomenal changes in the structure of the economy and society, but also in the pattern of gender relations and nature of gender subordination. In rural areas the introduction of the household responsibility system, domestic sideline production as well as the

Post-Beijing Reflections

rapid growth of rural industry have increased the employment avenues for women (Croll, 1994; Davis & Harrell, 1993; Gao, 1994). Similarly in the urban areas the gradual flourishing of the private sectors, the expansion of the tertiary sector as well as the greenfield industrialisation sites in the new Special Economic Zones have afforded women new openings (Summerfield, 1994; White, Howell, & Shang, 1996, p. 70). Rural migrant women provide the backbone of the 130,000 or so foreign factories in operation in the coastal areas of China. Work in the cities has not only offered a larger cash income that can be remitted back to needy relatives, but also extended their horizons, changed values, and raised expectations. At the same time, however, the pressure on enterprises to become more profit-conscious has had a negative impact on women, evidenced in higher unemployment rates, reluctance to employ women, numerous attempts to deprive women of their statutory rights, such as maternity leave and differential payment (Business China, June 1995; China Labour Education and Information Centre, 1996; Wang, 1992; Summerfield, 1995). Faced with the obligation to pay maternity leave and possibly provide childcare facilities, yet at the same time compelled to become more cost-efficient, managers in the state sector increasingly view women as an added burden. Government departments too have been found guilty of preferring male to female graduates. Although the Special Economic Zones have provided welcome work opportunities for urban and rural women, the terms of employment undermine the benefits previously enjoyed by women in the state sector. As in other exportprocessing zones foreign companies prefer to employ only young, unmarried women on short-term contracts so as to avoid having to provide maternity leave or childcare facilities and so keep production costs low (Leung, 1988, pp. 151-154). 5 Furthermore, the spate of fires and increase in industrial accidents in the 1990s point to the tendency for health and safety considerations to be sacrificed in the interests of quick profit. 6 The commoditisation of the economy has begun to permeate the realm of sexuality and redefine the nature of female subordination. While prostitution was initially seen as an undesirable consequence of setting-up Special Economic Zones, by the late 1980s it had be-

239

come an issue of national concern, evident in most urban parts of China. Increasing numbers of reports of sexual harrassment in the workplace, particularly in the Special Economics Zones and private enterprises, provided further evidence of the power imbalance in gender relations and the objectification of women. 7 This commoditisation of sexual relations has been reflected, justified, and sustained through the changing images of women appearing in the popular press and media. No longer do we see portrayals of Chinese women clad simply in the familiar Maoist attire, looking determinedly and confidently toward the future. Instead come pictures of the sexual, coquette, homebound, feminine woman, selling washing-machines, hairdryers, and cosmetics. Women are thus caught between competing discourses and images, promising different life-styles and expectations. The rapidly changing needs, demands, and expectations of women and the reworking of gender relations in the reform era have posed a difficult challenge for the ACWE The dislocation between the pace of socio-economic and institutional change is mirrored in the dissatisfaction with the ACWF and the distance women feel from "their" organisation. Letters to journals of the ACWF as well as the results of a survey we carried out in Shenyang and Nantong in 1993 point to growing dissatisfaction with the ACWF amongst both members and cadres. For example only 54% of the sample stated that the ACWF was "very useful" as an organisation. 8 For most of the interviewees it was clear that the ACWF should prioritise the interests of women rather than those of the Party. Only 4.9% of interviewees stated that the first task of the ACWF should be to transmit Party policy compared with 45.3% who indicated that the ACWF should first represent women's interests in gender-related policy-making.9 Faced with the contradictory impact of reforms on women, the changing needs and demands of a much more diverse constitt~ency of women as well as the emergence of new women's groups, the ACWF has come under increasing pressure not only to prioritise the interests of its members over those of the Party, but also to rethink its very nature. In response to the challenges of the reform period the ACWF has taken a variety of positive steps to attune itself more to the needs of women. These have included the setting up of new departments, such as the Township and Village Enterprises' Section, to

240

JUDE HOWELL

deal with the issues facing rural women in factories; the promotion of research into women's issues, and in particular the setting-up of an Institute of Women's Studies in 1983; supporting inititatives such as the Social Fund for Child-Beating Women to address the problem of discrimination against women in employment; pushing through legislation to protect women's rights; advocating greater political participation for women; and supporting the publication of a new magazine entitled "Rural Women Knowing All," which is targeted at rural women. This reorientation of activities and tinkering with structures has been underpinned by a much more significant development, namely, the attempts of cadres within the organisation not only to take a firmer, if not more principled stance on the representation of gender vis-h-vis Party issues, but also to express openly the desire for greater autonomy from the Party. We can observe this process of soul-searching in the changing content and debates of the various ACWF congresses. At the 4th Annual Congress of the ACWF in 1978, the first since the 1950s, a key stated objective was support for Party policy. Five years later, however, as the effects of the One Child One Family Policy and some of the economic reforms began to surface, the ACWF explicitly began to prioritise gender-specific issues, such as female infanticide, domestic violence against women, and general discrimination. However, it was the 6th Annual Congress in September 1988 that became a landmark in the attempts of the ACWF to refashion its relationship with the Party and to put women's interests first. How to become a genuine mass organisation was a leitmotiv of the congress. Delegates expressed their dissatisfaction with the organisation in its current form and called for greater autonomy and self-direction. As the female vice-governor from Qinghai put it, "the ACWF had become an implementing organ of the Party and government" (Wang, 1988). One delegate spoke out explicitly in favour of greater autonomy: " . . . the ACWF should be able to manage its own affairs, enjoy autonomy, both according to the constitution and in law." ~o In the wake of this frank and self-critical debate one of the ACWF's journals, Zhongguo Funu, carried a series of articles echoing the sentiments of the

congress and proposing imaginative ways of representing women's interests. The tragic outcome of the 1989 democracy movement brought this wave of openness and critical self-reflection to an abrupt halt. As the CCP clamped down on democracy dissidents, organisers of new autonomous groups and supporters within the mass organisations, AWCF cadres withdrew into their familiar Party-speak, drawing the curtain temporarily on the process of institutional redefinition. For the next 2 years the subject of autonomy remained muted. As the political climate began to ease, ACWF cadres began cautiously again to raise the issue. At a meeting in Dalian in 1992, a sense of despair prevailed as top leaders argued passionately that there was still a need for the organisation. This crisis of identity sparked off a desperate process of soul-searching, as delegates toyed with various proposals to reconstitute the organisation, such as merging with the ACFTU and Communist Youth League (CYL) or setting up a Women's Ministry or delinking completely from the Party/state. While the subject of greater autonomy was not openly discussed at the 7th National Congress in September 1993, the attention given to crucial gender-specific issues, such as the protection of women's rights and interests, prostitution, female infanticide, and the household division of labour, reflected the determination within the organisation to prioritise practical gender interests. Yet the shadow of the Party was clearly evident in the constant references to the need to "promote socialist civilisation," "promote the unity of the country and international peace" and "support Party guidelines," suggesting that the path to independence was still a long way off. It is against this background of institutional redefinition, and, in particular, the demand for a more autonomous voice to prioritise the interests of women, that we continue in the next section to explore the significance and impact of the official Fourth World Conference on Women and the NGO Forum on the ACWE

ENCOUNTERS WITH GLOBAL FEMINISM At least four ways can be observed in which the conference has made a difference to the ACWF, namely, organisational prestige, exposure to

Post-Beijing Reflections

global gender issues, experience of foreign women's NGOs (diversity and style), and material assets. In addition, the conference was yet another occasion when the priorities of the ACWF and the Party were juxtaposed, forcing the ACWF to reflect again upon its relationship with its political guardian. While a prime motive underlying the governmental decision to host the conference was to enhance China's international image, particularly in the wake of Tiananmen, there is no doubt that the participation of ACWF cadres in high-level governmental discussions and overseas meetings, as well as the perceived success of the conference have enhanced the prestige of the organisation, particularly vis-a-vis other mass organisations, such as the ACFTU and CYL. Through participating in preparatory committee meetings abroad ACWF cadres have gained experience in international affairs to an extent unprecedented in the history of the organisation and unrivalled by other mass organisations. Compared with the ACFTU and CYL, the ACWF now enjoys a vast network of international contacts, has experience of both operating at governmental and non-governmental levels and has a much better understanding of the workings of the UN. Furthermore, in hosting the NGO Forum the ACWF has entered the vocabulary of non-governmental women's networks, despite the fact that its credentials as an NGO are ambiguous. Through this international engagement the ACWF has gained not only confidence and prestige, but also a stronger sense of relevance in a context where it was becoming painfully aware of its inadequacies. For the ACWF the preparations for the conference, as well as the actual event itself, provided an opportunity to discover some of the predominant themes in global gender discourse. Exposure to less familiar topics such as sexual orientation, women's rights as human rights, empowerment, and reproductive rights enabled women cadres to have a better idea of what issues were driving women activists in other countries, to become aware of the lines of fissure dividing women as well as the nodes of consensus and to have the chance to reflect upon issues that they may never have thought about before. Moreover, the prominence of human rights issues as well as attacks upon China's record in the media and at the March 1995 PrepCom Meeting prompted not only government officials, with the aid of researchers, to

241

explore this issue in greater depth and prepare an official line for use at the conference but also Chinese women to hold unprecedented seminars on human rights abuses in China. The depth of all this exposure, however, depended, initially at least, on the quality of translation and indeed on whether the Chinese participants commanded sufficient English to cope with the rapid pace of exchange in many of the workshops or even to understand the titles of the workshops. Through the NGO Forum ACWF participants encountered a multitude of different NGOs, an important event given the rarity of such organisations in China. Although in the reform period new forms of social organisations, such as professional associations, chambers of commerce, and learned societies, have proliferated, bottom-up, autonomous, grassroots organisations are few and far between. Moreover, the regulations of the Ministry of Civil Affairs, where such organisations have been required to register since 1989, forbid associations to be established along gender lines. The conference has thus played an important role in pushing the ACWF towards engaging with the concept of an NGO. With little experience of NGOs, either domestic or foreign, the ACWF must have initially been surprised by the scale of the NGO forum, the recognition awarded such organisations by the UN and the implicit importance of these groups. Meeting activists from different countries, observing their behaviour, their style of discussion, learning about their methods of organisation, advocacy and communication, the variety of ways of involving their members and beneficiaries, noting their vibrancy, energy and enthusiasm, realising the diversity and multiplicity of causes, groups and activities, all this would have added considerably to the body of knowledge about NGOs within the ACWF and provided much food for thought. To give but one small example of the impact of such encounters, a cadre from a provincial branch of the Women's Federation in southern China related to me how inspired she had felt by the vitality and enthusiasm of the voluntary groups she met during a preparatory meeting in the Philippines. Furthermore, with its feet in both camps, the ACWF was well positioned to observe the lobbying function of NGOs. Although it did not play this role at the 1995 conference, the realisation of this function could stimulate

242

JUDE HOWELL

debate within the organisation as to whether it should take on such a part in the future. In brief these various exposures to foreign NGOs are likely to feed into the ongoing discussions about the nature of the ACWF, and in particular its relationship to its membership and the CCP. By calling itself an NGO, the A C W F was indeed able to enhance its legitimacy as a representative of Chinese women's interests in the international arena, and, in particular, at the NGO forum. This is despite the fact that its dual role in managing the official conference would seem to belie its non-governmental credentials. Indeed the process of adopting the term NGO reflected not only the foreignness of the concept, but also the A C W F ' s own struggle with its identity. By taking on this new terminology, the A C W F ' s intention was more to lubricate international ~xchange than to make a political statement about its degree of autonomy from the Party. ,Indeed~ without the implicit endorsement of the CCP it could not easily have deployed this term. Yet even after the Conference, A C W F officials that I interviewed still expressed their lack of clarity abQuttthe referents of the concept NGO. However, such expediency could backfire, particularly given the context of soul-searching within the A C W F already described. To the extent that this terminology becomes part of the self-consciousness of the organisation, the contradiction between its actual governmental character and its acclaimed non-governmental nature, that is between meaning and reference, is actually sharpened, creating a discursive opening for demands for greater autonomy. Materially, the conference has reaped some bonanzas for the A C W E A grand new building with a w o m e n ' s activity centre stands proudly in the heart of Beijing, symbolising the newfound prestige of the A C W E However, the material gains, such as building, fax machines, and vehicles, have largely been confined to the centre. While I have identified several ways in which the conference has contributed and is likely in the future to contribute toward the process of change within the ACWF, we should also recognise some important constraints that, in the end, limit the potential influence. With regard to the impact of the actual conference, language was perhaps the most obvious constraint. While some of the material was translated into Chinese, the bulk of information pro-

vided in the stalls at the exhibition hall was in English. Moreover, as most of the workshops were also in English, it is unlikely that most of the Chinese delegates would have had sufficient command of English to engage in the rapid and heated debates that took place, particularly on topics rarely discussed in China, such as sexual orientation. The outlook of individual participants, their willingness to absorb new ideas, their degree of openness, (or as expressed in Chinese sixiang kaifang) is also an important ingredient influencing how much of what took place is taken in, worked upon and critically digested. Taking into account the ideological preparation given to A C W F cadres those more open-minded individuals must have been constantly at war with themselves in trying to identify what was acceptable or not. Media coverage of the preparatory meetings and the conference itself is clearly an important element determining what messages are transmitted. Given that the official conference received more treatment than the NGO forum in the Chinese press and that reports on the latter focussed on the success of the organisation rather than the content of workshops it is unlikely that most women in China had much idea about the key debates, axes of opinion, or the difference between the two events. The Chinese-language People's Daily, for example, focussed more on the official conference, encounters between Chinese top officials and high-level women leaders, measures to ensure adequate facilities, reports on Chinese workshops, and official representation of controversial themes, such as human rights and Tibet.ll The opening of the NGO Forum appeared on the back as opposed to front page, indicative of its relative importance. The English-language China Daily newspaper tended to report on the success of the organisation, to counter negative Western reporting, and to promote the official line on controversial issues, such as the plight of Tibetan women, the case of Harry Wu, as well as the situation of women in China. 12 While it reported extracts of speeches by women delegates from Sri Lanka, Iceland, and Japan, it gave only a cursory mention of Hillary Clinton's speech. Both the China Daily conference special daily entitled, "World Women" as well as the Chinese-language conference special daily entitled, Funu zhi sheng (Voice of Women),

Post-Beijing Reflections

published by Guangming Ribao, echoed similar themes to the above, contrasting noticeably with the independent NGO Forum daily "Forum 1995. "13 It should not be overlooked that the UK and US media also tended to concentrate on the organisational rather than substantive aspects of the conference. Perhaps the worst offender was the British paper The Times, which focussed reporting on the tight security arrangments, the disappearance of dissidents before the conference, Hillary Clinton's implict references to abortion and human rights in China, the Harry Wu trial, the harrassment of participants, and the quality of the facilities at Huairou. 14 Even when a substantive issue, such as reproductive rights, was ventured upon, this was handled squarely within the framework of tense Sino-US relations. While the American paper The International Herald Tribune likewise highlighted similar themes, it [?rovided more coverage of the issues at stake. ~ Although the reporters of the UK The Independent also homed in on the restrictions on freedom of expression within the NGO Forum site, the tight security measures and the situation of Chinese women, they also drew attention to the anger of some participants about the overemphasis in the media on China at the expense of the issues at stake and countered the argument that the conference should never have been held in China at all. ~6 For others, such as The Financial Times and The Washington Post, the Conference was not a major event worthy of front- page or extensive coverage. Le Monde carried articles referring to the tight security arrangements, reasons for boycotting the conference, as well as some of the lines of controversy between Western, Islamic, and Catholic participants. ~7 For those cadres of the ACWF who were not able to attend the conference, report-back meetings and the ACWF internal press provide additional avenues of dissemination. What messages get transferred at lower levels will depend significantly on how much the individual cadres absorbed, how they interpreted this information and what they decide to report or not. The fact that several of the ACWF's journals are not available on bookstands limit their value. In addition, it should be borne in mind that for the last year and a half the CCP has clamped down on the number of journals and the type of reporting. As an article in the Hong Kong South

243

China Morning Post pointed out, whereas in the period of Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang, journalists were permitted to report "70% good and 30% bad," in the last year and a half, the ratio has become "97% good and 3% bad." 18 Within this media climate it is unlikely that there would be critical debate in the press of controversial themes for China such as reproductive rights, Tibet and human rights. Related to the control over media are the well-reported security arrangements. These constrained the impact of the conference for Chinese women in the following ways. First this inhibited critical discussion amongst Chinese women, creating an atmosphere where it was important to highlight China's successes, both in reform and in terms of the liberation of women and to toe the Party line on controversial issues such as Tibet, Taiwan, and the one-child one-family policy. Secondly, this reinforced the sense of "the Chinese" and "the foreigner" as exclusive categories and as categories of friend and enemy, thus recalling periods in China's post-liberation history when certain types of foreigners have been treated with suspicion. In sum the tight security arrangements inhibited open and critical expression for ACWF women. Another inhibiting factor relates to the contradictory role of the ACWF as a transmission belt for government policy. Already at the 7th Congress in 1993, it was clear that the conference was to be used to propagate the successes of reform. In outlining the main tasks of the Chinese delegation at the conference, Chen Muhua, chair of this delegation, stressed the importance of highlighting the government's achievements. In her reported words:

The Chinese government delegation will face three tasks: the first is to show the world the situation of Chinese women, to explain government policies and measures to solve women's problems and to show our achievements in this respect so far ...19

Given the importance of the conference in bolstering the international position of China, ACWF participants were made aware through preparatory sessions that they should propagate a positive image of the achievements of the CCP in liberating women. Delegates were

244

JUDE HOWELL

briefed, for example, on how to respond to awkward questions posed by foreign participants arising from the controversial BBC film The Dying Rooms or on how to deal with questions on Tibet. 2° It would have been very risky indeed for any delegate to speak out on a controversial issue in a way that questioned CCP policy. It should not be overlooked, however, that other governments, the United States to name but one, were also deeply implicated in using the conference for their own political ends, as indeed were some non-governmental organisations. Thus, the conference provided a public occasion on which the dual objectives of the ACWF were juxtaposed and where its ultimate subordination to national goals was expected. The compliant behaviour of the ACWF was displayed most visibly in the lack of open opposition from top ACWF leaders to the sudden decision to move the site of the NGO forum from the Workers' Palace to the outlying resort in Huairou County. The imminent death of Deng Xiaoping, potential demonstrations against rising unemployment as well as prodemocracy and pro-Tibet activities were but some of the factors informing the Party's decision to change the venue. It is also likely that until this point leaders in the CCP had little awareness about the "anti-" governmental nature of some NGOs. Indeed it was probably Li Peng's encounter with the advocacy and protest roles of NGOs at the spring 1995 Social Summit in Copenhagen that provoked this unexpected switch of the NGO Forum venue. With the Forum located a good 50 kilometres outside of Beijing and a tight security system in place the CCP managed not only to dampen the lobbying impact of the NGO conference but also to minimise the contact between overseas participants and uninvited Chinese women and organisations. However, the decision also fuelled an international outcry and exposed the weak position of the ACWF. Thus, the continuing subordination of the ACWF to the CCP, which was rehearsed on numerous occasions in the run-up to and during the conference, served to lessen the potential impact of the conference on the organisation. Having explored the contribution of the conference to the process of institutional redefinition within the ACWF, I turn now to its impact on the rise of new women's groups in China.

NEW WOMEN'S GROUPS As in my analysis of the ACWF it is also important to first outline the broader context of the emergence of new women's groups to appreciate the significance of the conference. Following the Liberation of China in 1949 the CCP has tried to assert its control over the mediation of societal interests by, on the one hand, closing those organisations deemed to be inimical to the goals of the revolution during the 1950s and, on the other hand, setting up a limited number of legitimate mass organisations, such as the ACWF, CYL, and ACFTU (Howell, 1994a, p. 200; White, Howell, & Shang, 1996, pp. 100102; Whyte & Parish, 1984). For women there has thus only been one organisation articulating their interests since 1949. Following the gradual introduction of economic reforms from 1978 onward increasing social differentiation in the formation of new classes and greater geographical and social mobility can be observed (Chan, 1990; Chang, 1992; Goodman, 1995; White, 1995, pp. 198232). Within this context of socio-economic transformation, the old mass organisations have become increasingly inappropriate and out-ofsync with the changing needs of a more diverse and complex society. At the same time the relaxation of political controls, the opening of social spaces created through the processes of decollectivisation, privatisation and rapid industrialisation and the recognition by the CCP of the need to have indirect methods of economic and social control have converged to create opportunities for new forms of intermediate organisations to emerge. These new "social organisations," as they have been referred to by the Ministry of Civil Affairs since 1989, include professional associations such as the Lawyer's Association, trade associations such as the Cement Industry Association, cultural bodies such as the Young Photographers' Association and foundations such as the Disabled People's Association. These social organisations began to emerge in the early 1980s but really took off from the mid-1980s, their growth reaching a peak in 1988/1989. In the wake of the tragic events of June 1989, the CCP clamped down on such organisations, requiring them to register with the Ministry of Civil Affairs. Those organisations, which were perceived to present a threat to the CCP such as the Beijing Autonomous Students' Union or the

Post-Beijing Reflections

Beijing Autonomous Workers' Federation, were banned (Gold, 1990; Howell, 1994b; Strand, 1990; Walder, 1989). By October 1993, there were over 1,460 national level organisations, 19,600 branch and local organisations officially registered at provincial level, and more than 160,000 social organisations registered with county authorities. Most of these organisations have a close relationship with the Party-state, with very few resembling bottom-up, grassroots-type institutions (Howell, 1995). It is within this context of the rise of new forms of intermediary association that the emergence of new women's groups must be understood. The main categories of women's groups are the quasi-official professional associations such as the China Women's Journalists' Associations, trade associations such as the Women's Entrepreneurs Association and the more bottom-up women's research groups and salons, such as the Chinese and Foreigners Women's Research Small Group at Beijing Foreign Languages Institute or the women's studies salon in Beijing University and welfare-oriented organisations such as the Women's Hotline, which is supported by the Chinese Scientific Management Institute and the Jinglun Family Centre, set up by the Chinese Association of Social Workers. As with social organisations in general these women-focussed organisations took off from the mid- 1980s, following the start of urban reforms. It is important to note that the new women's organisations differ in their relationship to the state, some being sponsored, initiated, and partly staffed by state cadres, others having more of a popular character, relying on their own resources, labour and energy. The professional and trade associations tend to be quasigovernmental whilst the women's studies research groups and w o m e n ' s welfare organisations are more bottom-up grassroots organisations. Tolerated by the Party-state, but not granted official recognition, the numerous women's salons are much more informal bodies, existing precariously in a state of ambiguous legality (Howell, 1996, pp. 136--138). After 1989, all these women's groups had to register with the Ministry of Civil Affairs. In the process of formulating guidelines for social organisations, this ministry issued a regulation forbidding gender, nationality, or religiousbased organisations, apart from the existing legitimate bodies such as the AWCE 2J In some

245

places, such as Shanghai, those women's organisations that had started off independently were permitted to continue. With regard to the women's salons and discussion groups, these occupy a grey area between those officially registered organisations and those that have been banned. Their ambiguous legal status has given them a degree of autonomy not enjoyed by quasi-governmental women's associations. They are the most significant from the point of view of the development of an independent women's movement in China precisely because they are at arm's length to the ACWF and the CCP. While some of these have attracted the attention of the public security and disappeared in the wake of Tiananmen, others have continued to exist, in part, because some of their members have good enough connections (guanxi) to ensure their survival and in part because of the conference. So it is against this background of a reshaping of the intermediary institutional landscape, and in particular the rise of new forms of women's groups, the significance of the conference must be understood. Perhaps the most important impact of this mammoth event was that it supported and, indeed, accelerated the emergence of new, more autonomous women's organisations. International organisations began to foster and support gender initiatives. The Ford Foundation, for example, hosted regular group discussions on women's issues, which culminated in the production of a bilingual book for the conference. Enterprising projects such as the Women's Hotline and the Jinglun Family Centre received financial support from various international agencies. The British Cultural Communication Centre ran a training-course in the summer of 1994 to facilitate better communication between Chinese and foreigners at the approaching conference (Wang, 1995, pp. 8-18). In hosting the conference it would have been ironic indeed if China could not have presented its own contingent of women's NGOs. So aware of the need to show some NGO presence, it is likely that the CCP took a much more tolerant attitude to the new women's organisations, particularly those that sought to discuss feminist theories, which would be perceived as divergent from orthodox Marxist and Maoist accounts of female oppression. It would be safe to assume that if China had not hosted the conference,

246

JUDE HOWELL

there would have been far less of a relatively non-governmental Chinese presence at the NGO venue. Given that there was a greater degree of official tolerance toward these new w o m e n ' s groups, this had the positive effect of requiring the A C W F to actually deal with this new situation. In recognising the existence of these w o m e n ' s groups, the A C W F had also to acknowledge that they were filling a gap that it. was not able to cover. Indeed, from the debates that were going on within the A C W F in 1988, we can see that some cadres already favoured the idea of encouraging other w o m e n ' s organisations because these would be able to take on tasks that the A C W F did not have the capacity to carry out. However, it was probable also that the A C W F did not feel wholly comfortable with the presence of these organisations at the conference or at preparatory meetings, z2 When organisations such as the Women's Hotline were able to present the results of their work at the NGO Forum, this might have grated for the ACWF, which has not provided any financial support to this organisation. So the interaction and cooperation required by the A C W F with these new women's associations has contributed toward the process of self-reflection within the ACWF. Conversely it also required the fresh breed of w o m e n ' s groups to engage with the A C W F and reflect too upon their desired relations, whether complementary or supplementary, cooperative or antagonistic and so on. As with the A C W F the conference also exposed participants from these organisations to a range of issues being discussed by women all over the world, to the key axes of tension on controversial topics such as abortion and to diverse styles of debating. An important difference is that the women in the new w o m e n ' s groups are likely to be more receptive to new ideas, more ready to engage with non-orthodox Marxist perspectives on w o m e n ' s oppression and, unlike their sisters in the ACWF, personally less burdened by the dilemma of whether to prioritise Party or gender interests. Similarly women from the more autonomous associations had the opportunity to meet activists from foreign NGOs. In this way, they were not only introduced to the diverse functions of NGOs, for example, as service agencies or advocates of change, but also to the plethora of imaginative ways of mobilising, communicating, organising and raising funds. Most impor-

tantly, they had the chance to broaden their image of what an NGO is, what it does and how it differs to a governmental agency. These imaginations are particularly important in a society where civil society is weakly developed. Moreover, as these participants were more likely to be receptive to new ideas, as already discussed, it can be expected that they are likely to have benefited more from the venue. In brief, the NGO forum has not only encouraged the development of non-governmental women's organisations, but also given a spurt to their continued existence. While participants from the new women's groups are likely to have been more open to new ideas and concepts and benefited more from this international engagement, the overall impact was inhibited by a number of factors. As in the case of the A C W F there was the question of language. More significant perhaps was the issue of access. The bulk of delegates at the NGO forum were A C W F cadres and carefully selected successful women. 23 N o n - A C W F women from informal groups were able to participate in the NGO forum, primarily through the presentation of results at workshops. So had participation been open to individuals, as was the case elsewhere, the impact on new women's groups or on women who were interested in gender issues but not yet organised in a group, might have been far greater.

POLICY AND RESEARCH As well as encouraging the activities of new women's groups, the conference also had the positive effect of stimulating research into w o m e n ' s issues and promoting policy change. Following the Fifth Congress of the Women's Federation in 1983, the A C W F began to encourage further research into women, setting up its own Women's Studies Institute that year (Ding, 1993; Li & Zhang, 1994; Wan, 1988). From 1986 onward, w o m e n ' s studies associations and research groups began to flourish, one of the first being the Henan' s Women' s Studies Group. In 1987, Li Xiaojiang founded the Women's Studies Centre in Zhengzhou University and began to run courses in contemporary women's history. Other university departments in Beijing, Nankai, Wuhan soon followed suit, setting up lecture series on w o m e n ' s issues, organising conferences and meetings. In 1989-90, the de-

Post-Beijing Reflections

partments of history and comparative literature in Beijing University separately and simultaneously set up optional courses in the history of Chinese women and feminist literary criticism. As described in the previous section, numerous informal groups of women prepared to look critically at the position of women in Chinese society began to proliferate in the universities from the mid-1980s. In Shanghai, for example, the English Department of Fudan University set up a small research group into women's issues. However, as of yet women's studies or gender studies are not recognised as a separate discipline in Chinese academe. Women's studies researchers such as Li Xiaojiang have argued strongly for such a development but so far university authorities have resisted such a radical change (Li, 1990). The conference played an important role in galvinising this spate of research into women's studies. Numerous books were published in the run-up to the conference on women's issues in China and on Chinese women's reactions to the preparatory meetings (Wang, 1995; Wei, 1995; Qi, 1995). The ACWF, universities, and various research institutions launched research projects to discover more about the situation of women. The Chinese Women's Administrative College, for example, carried out a large survey to investigate female education in the rural areas (Wang, 1995, pp. 57-58). Foreign universities, aid agencies, and governments encouraged joint projects between Chinese and Western scholars, leading to publications in the form of books and articles. For example, the Beijing Agricultural Engineering University set up a gender section in 1994 and then undertook a joint project on rural women's health with a British university. The Great Britain China Centre organised a conference in Beijing to bring together British and Chinese scholars researching issues concerning rural women. The Ford Foundation hosted an informal group of Chinese women to discuss comparative women's issues, leading to the publication of a bilingual volume for the conference. The conference provided an opportunity not only to share the research findings but also to engage in debate with women from all over the world, learn about different theoretical perspectives and become more familiar with the issues being discussed outside of China. Were it not for these research initiatives it would have been

247

very difficult for any of these women, who were not ACWF cadres, to attend the conference. As regards policy, the most significant outcome has been the document entitled, "Programme for the Development of Chinese Women," which has since been included in the 9th Five Year Plan. This document was important because it required the ACWF to articulate its understanding of the needs of Chinese women, thus giving stronger direction to the organisation's work. Furthermore, it provides a future yardstick against which the progress of women can be monitored. In brief, for the new women's studies institutes the conference stimulated research, provided an occasion for exchange and an opportunity to engage with new ideas. It also served to legitimise the existence of these organisations and the relevance of their research. From the point of view of the ACWF the conference pushed its cadres into identifing priority areas, clarifying their positions on issues such as domestic violence, and stamping out a clear policy direction for the future.

CONSTRAINTS AND PROSPECTS From the above it can be seen that the conference process has contributed positively to changes within the ACWF, to the consolidation of a more independent sphere of women's groups and research bodies, and to the development of gender research and policy. I have also pointed to the language barrier, limitations on access, security arrangements, open-mindedness, and media coverage as potential constraints on the extent to which the conference could create waves rather than ripples of change. Moreover, it is clear that had China not hosted the conference, the impact of the conference on the ACWF, the new women's groups and policy and research would have been minimal. Looking ahead, not only the continued growth of more grassroots women's organisations, but also the continued search on the part of the ACWF for a new identity can be expected. In particular, as the ACWF reviews its experience of the conference I would expect to find discussions taking place about the future form of the ACWF, such as whether it should remain closely linked to the Party or seek more autonomy, whether it should become an NGO or a government department and what kind of

248

JUDE HOWELL

relationship it should have with the newly emerging women's groups. I also anticipate fur'ther research into women's practical problems and the development of theory, with the most imaginative impetus coming from the independent women's studies institutes. Foreign agencies, women's groups, and gender departments can also be expected to forge closer links with and provide material support to women's initiatives such as the Women's Hotline, the ACWF, and research projects. Yet to what extent these changes can occur will depend on a number of factors, including the relationship between the AWCF and the Party, the development of the new intermediary sphere of social organisations and the overall political climate. The relationship between the ACWF and the Party will, in part, be a function of the more general relationship between the Party and the mass organisations. In the context of continuing state reform requiring reductions in expenditure, it can be expected that the mass organisations will come under increasing pressure from the CCP to raise more of their own money. To the extent that the ACWF is able to do so, the better placed it will be to negotiate a looser relationship with the CCP and to prioritise gender issues. However, if it cannot raise more money, its financial position is likely to weaken. In both scenarios I anticipate that the ACWF will be compelled to rethink its relationship with both the CCP and its members. As the Party takes a more hands-off approach to the micro-economy, it is simultaneously seeking new ways of linking diverse agents both horizontally and vertically. The process of building new "bridges" between the Party and society involves official encouragement of intermediary social organisations, hence, a pluralisation of the channels of interest articulation and participation. This general tendency for the intermediary sphere of social organisations to expand will provide a fertile context for the growth of informal women's groups. Through this multiplication of the institutional representation of women's interests the ACWF will come under competition to do a better job in representing the increasingly diverse needs of different women. This takes us on to a related point, namely the intersection of gender and national interests. An unfortunate outcome of the political weight of the conference was that the gender position of Chinese women became a political card for

the Chinese government in its broader relations with the USA. It is noteworthy that following the Hillary Clinton speech, which indirectly attacked China on its human rights record and family planning policy, there appeared an article in the Chinese-language People's Daily and the English-language China Daily comparing the degree of liberation of Chinese and American women, respectively. 24 This comparison between the relative positions of Chinese and American women has both positive and negative implications for the future course of gender policy in China. On the positive side, it could force the Party-state to prioritise the position of women so as to ensure the superiority of China in this regard vis-a-vis the US. This will also involve, not only appropriating some of American feminist discourse and tools of analysis, but also encouraging more detailed research to provide evidence. On the negative side, it will reinforce the subordination of the ACWF to Party priorities and in particular strengthen a nationalist perspective on gender issues. In practice this would mean that the key question becomes not "what is the nature of gender oppression in contemporary China and how might this be addressed?" but "how do Chinese women compare to American women?" This is problematic because it inhibits critical analysis and prioritises national over gender interests. The danger for Chinese theorists becomes that if they question the acclaimed achievements or draw attention to the shortcomings, then they risk being labelled as unpatriotic or in the worst scenario as counter-revolutionary. In the long run this conflation of gender and nationalism is more likely to be an obstacle to the development of the Chinese women's movement. The future development of NGOs and unofficial women's groups is contingent on the overall political climate. To the extent that the death of Deng Xiaoping or the socio-economic effects of reforms such as growing income differentation and unemployment lead to social unrest, we can expect the CCP to clamp-down on any individuals or organisations that are perceived to be politically threatening. Those women's groups that lie precariously in the limbo-land of semi-legality and may be associated with foreign influences are most in danger of dissolution. Also of note is that the growth of any bottom-up initiatives depends also on the capacity of individuals and groups to raise money.

Post-Beijing Reflections

CONCLUSION In brief, in reflecting upon the impact of the Fourth World Conference on Women, while China received considerable negative press for its handling of the event, from the point of view of the furtherance of gender issues in China, the conference certainly has created ripples. Had China not hosted the conference, there is no doubt that the impact would have been far less. However, had there been greater accessibility for Chinese women and a more open atmosphere, which was not possible given the abovementioned political constraints, then the conference might have made waves rather than ripples. Nevertheless, the conference not only contributed to the processes of change within the ACWE but it also encouraged the growth of more autonomous women's organisations, articulating new demands, bringing fresh perspectives, and sowing the seeds of a feminism from below. Having embarked on a voyage of institutional redefinition, it is possible that the ACWF might yet escape the fate of its sister organisations in the former socialist states of Eastern Europe. If it cooperates with rather than incorporates the new women's groups, its chances of survival will be enhanced and the prospects of a future backlash against women will be lessened. Clearly the next few years will be crucial for fully appreciating the impact of the conference on women's organisations in China. ENDNOTES 1. Interviews with Women's Federation officials and representatives of non-governmental women's organisations were carried out during a research visit to China, sponsored by the British Academy and hosted by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in October 1995; during participation in the NGO Forum in August/ September 1995; during a 3-month research visit to Fujian Province in 1994 sponsored by the Nuffield Foundation; and as part of a larger project on the Rise of Civil Society in China between 1991 and 1994 sponsored by the ESRC and UNRISD. 2. This survey was conducted within the framework of the project on the rise of civil society in China. The survey questionnaire focussed on the attitudes of women toward political, economic and social issues, attitudes of women to mass organisations like the ACWF and toward new women's organisations. Altogether 1,680 questionnaires were distributed, of which 1,502 were returned. The final valid sample was 1,279. Sixty neighbourbood committees were selected and then from these 14 families.

249

3. The word masters is used with no apologies here for its inherent gender bias so as to underline the maledominated nature of the Communist Party and state organs. 4. Personal observation, annual meeting of European Socialist Feminists, 1991, Norwich, England. 5. This takes place within a context where women are the first to lose their jobs and state firms are reluctant to employ women because of maternity costs (Summerfield, 1995, p. 46). 6. For example, in November 1993, 80 women workers in a toy factory in Shenzhen were killed in a fire (Beijing Review, December 27-January 2, 1994). During the Fourth World Conference on Women in early September 1995, 23 young women migrant workers were killed and 60 injured in an explosion in a lighter factory in Shunde City, Guangdong province. This was not reported in the Chinese press because of the bad publicity this would create during the Women's Conference

(China Labour Bulletin, December 1995). 7. In one case female workers in a Japanese joint venture hotel in Shanghai were forced to endure strip searches (Summary of Worm Broadcasts, 1994FE/1893 G2, 12.01). Similarly, some female workers in a textile factory in Shenzhen SEZ had been subject to advances made by Hong Kong supervisory staff (personal communication, April 1996). 8. 36% replied that the ACWF was quite useful, 6.3% that it was not particularly useful, 1.8% that was not useful at all. There were 1,279 valid replies for this question. 9. The other results were as follows: 24.1% saw the first task of the ACWF as setting up social service facilities for women and children; 24.9% took the primary task to be helping women in difficulties. Altogether there were 1,310 valid replies for this question. 10. "Summary of a Forum on the Reform of the ACWF: Comments by Wu Ying Zeng, Chen Xiao Lu, Bai Nan Feng" in Zhongguo Funu, 1988, February, pp. 22-24. 11. For example, two-thirds of a page was devoted to the opening of the offical conference and its key themes of equality, development and peace. See Chen Muhua, Equality, Development and Peace are the common goals of women in the world, Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), p. 5. See also other articles published on the conference between August and September. 12. For example, "China as the host country has made every effort to prepare for the conference . . ." in Xu Yang, Flying the flag for women of the world, China Daily, 1995, August 29; or Conference Site is on course, says Mongella, China Daily, 1995, September 30. See also, other articles in the China Daily printed in August and September. 13. For example, Hillary Clinton's speech appeared on the front pages of Forum, 1995, May 5 and July 9; the lead article on the first page of the second issue of World Women was devoted to the success of the Huairou venue - - Mongella lauds NGO site, World Women, 1995, August 30, page 1; on the front page of Voice of Women the following short article appeared; we are very free in Tibet, Funu zhi sheng, 1995, September 2, p.l. 14. See for example, James Pringle, Chinese will relax vigilance at forum, The Times, 1995, April 9, p. 12; James Pringle, Security circus leaves delegates out in

250

15.

16.

17.

18. 19.

20. 21. 22.

23. 24.

JUDE HOWELL

the cold, The Times, 1995, September 5, p. 9, as well as other articles in The Times during the period of the conference. See for examples, Steven Mufson (1995, p. 6), China's Heavy Hands: A Symbol of Insecurity, The International Herald Tribune, September 12, as well as other articles printed during this period. See Teresa Poole (1995a), UN Women's Conference: Chinese red tape ties up delegates at home, The Independent, August 28. Teresa Poole (1995b), Holding up half the sky: As China prepares to host the UN World Conference on Women and a parallel forum opening tomorrow; as well as other articles appearing in The Independent during this period. See, for example, Francis Deron (1995, pp. l, ll), Pekin face a la cause des femmes, Le Monde, Elisabeth Badinter (1995, pp. 1, 13), N'allons pas a Pekin; Laurence Follea (1995, p. 3), Les inquietudes des ONG chinoises a la conference de Pekin; as well as other articles appearing during the period of the conference. See D. Gitting (1995), Hong Kong South China Morning Post, October 8. Ma Xiuju (1995, p.4), Conditions and preparations for China hosting of the World Conference, Renmin Ribao, August 12. Personal communicaiton, Beijing, September 1995. Interview, senior official, Ministry of Civil Affairs, September 1992. Personal communication, Beijing, September, 1995. Also, there is evidence that there have been tensions between the ACWF and these new women's organisations as they have emerged (Zhang, 1995, pp. 41-42) and White, Howell, & Shang, 1996, pp. 95-96.) Interview, A C W E October 1995. See A comparison of the situation of China and American Women [Renmin Ribao (People's Daily, 1995, pp. 1, 4], Chinese women enjoy more equal rights (China Daily, 1995, p. 4), "Ladies, first" policy doesn't open many doors to equality (China Daily, 1995, p. 3). For a comment on this see Mirsky (1995, p. l l )

REFERENCES Badinter, Elizabeth. (1995). N'allons pas a Pekin. Le Monde, August 31, 3. Barrett, Michelle. (1980). Women's oppression today. London: Verso. Beijing Review. (1993/1994). Industrial accident prevention stressed. Beijing Review, December 27-January 2, p. 6. Bridger, Sue. (1992). Young women and perestroika. In Edmondson, L. (Ed.), Women and society in Russia and the Soviet Union (pp. 178-201). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bridger, Sue, Kay, Rebecca, & Pinnick, Kathryn. (1996). No more heroines? Russia, Women and the Market. London: Routledge. Buckley, Mary. (1992). Glasnost and the woman question. In Edmondson, Linda. (Ed.), Women and society in Russia and the Soviet Union (pp. 202-226). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Business China. (1995). How the other half works. Business China, June 12, 1-3. Chan, Anita. (1990). The challenge to the social fabric. In Goodman, David, & Gerald Segal (Ed.), China At forty.

Mid-life crisis? (pp. 66-85). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chang, Mafia Hsia. (1992). China's future: Regionalism, federation or disintegration. Studies in Comparative Communism, 25(3), 211-227. Chen Muhua. (1995). Equality, development and peace are the common goals of women in the world. Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), September 6, p. 5. China Daily. (1995). Chinese women enjoy more equal rights. China Daily,. September 9, p. 4. China Daily. (1995). Conference site is on course, says Mongella. China Daily, September 30, p. I. China Labour Bulletin. (1995). 23 women workers burned to death in locked factory. China Labour Bulletin, 19/20, 4-5. China Labour Education and Information Centre. (1996). The flip-side of success. The situation of workers and organising in foreign-invested electronics enterprises in Guangdong. 20th February. Hong Kong: China Labour Education and Information Centre. Croll, Elizabeth. (1994). From heaven to earth. London: Routledge. Daines, Victoria, & Seddon, David. (1994). Fighting for survival: Women's responses to austerity programmes. In Jon Walton & David Seddon (Eds.), Free markets and food riots: Politics of global adjustment (pp. 57-96). Oxford: Btackwell. Davin, Delia. (1976). Woman-work: Women and the Party in revolutionary China. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Davis, Deborah, & Harrell, Stevan. (Eds.). (1993). Chinese families in the post-Mao era. Berkeley: University of California Press. Deron, Francis. (1995). Pekin face a la cause des femmes. Le Monde, August 31, pp. 1, 11. Ding Juan. (1993). Present state of research in China's system of women's studies. Chinese Education and Society, 26(4), 85-98. Einhorn, Barbara. (1993). Cinderella goes to market. London: Verso. Eisenstein, Z.R. (1994). Feminism and sexual equality. New York: Monthly Review Press. Forum. (1995). Hillary Clinton: End the history of silence. Forum, September 5, p. 1. Friedman, Sara Ann. (1995). Waiting for Hillary. Forum, September 7, p. 1. Funu zhi sheng (Voice of Women). (1995). We are very free in Tibet. Funu zhi sheng (Voice of Women), September 2, p. 1 (in Chinese). Gao, Xiaoxian. (1994). China's modernisation and changes in the social status of rural women. In Christina Gilmartin, Gail Hershatter, Gail, Lisa Rofel, & Tyrene White (Eds.), Engendering China. Women, culture and the state (pp. 80-100). Harvard: Harvard University Press. Gold, Thomas. (1990). The resurgence of civil society in China. Journal of Democracy, Winter, 18-31. Goodman, David. (1995). New economic elites. In Robert Benewick & Paul Wingrove. (Eds), China in the 1990s, (pp. 132-144). Johnson, Kay Ann. (1983). Women, the family and peasant revolution in China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Honig, Emily, & Hershatter Gall. (1988). Personal voices: Chinese Women in the 1980s. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Howell, Jude. (1994a). Refashioning state-society relations

Post-Beijing Reflections

in China. The European Journal of Development Research, 6(1), 197-215. Howell, Jude. (1994b). Striking a new balance: New social organisations in post-Mao China. Capital and Class, 54, 89-112. Howell, Jude. (1995). Prospects for NGOs in China, Development and Practice, 5(1). Howell, Jude. (1996). The struggle for survival: Prospects for the women's federation in post-Mao China. World Development, 24(1), 129-143. The International Herald Tribune. (1995 ). Women' s meeting finesses three tough issues. The International Herald Tribune, September 12, p. 6. Johnson, Kay. (1983). Women, the family and peasant revolution in China. London: University of Chicago Press. Koval, Vitalina. (Ed.). (1995). Women in contemporary Russia. Oxford: Berghahn Books. Leung Wing-yue. (1988). Smashing the iron rice pot. Workers and unions in China's market socialism. Hong Kong: Asia Monitor Resource Centre. Li Xiao Jiang. (1990). Development of and prospects for women's studies in China. Women's studies in China, September, 3-20 (in Chinese). Li Xiaojiang, & Zhang Xiaodan. (1994). Creating a space for women: Women's studies in China in the 1980s. Signs 20(1), 137-151. Li Jingzhi. (1992). The history and current situation concerning the participation of Chinese women in public administration. Zhongguo Xingzheng GuanlL March, 42-43 (in Chinese). Li Xiao Jiang. (1990). Development of and prospects for women' studies in China. Women's studies in China. People's Publishing House, September 1990, Intellectual Women's Editorial Committee, 3-20 (in Chinese). MacKinnon, Catharine. (1987). Towards a feminist theory of the state. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Mackintosh, Maureen. (1978). The state and the oppression of women. In A.M. Wolpe & A. Kuhn (Eds.), Feminism and materialism. London: Routledge. Mirsky, Jonathan. (1995). Women better off in China than US, Peking claims. The Times, September I 1, p. 11. Molyneux, Maxine. (1994). Women's rights and the international context: some reflections on the postcommunist states. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 23(2), 287-313. Molyneux, Maxine. (1990). The "woman question" in the age of Perestroika. New Left Review, 183, 23-49. Molyneux, Maxine. (1981). Women's emancipation under socialism: A model for the Third World? IDS Discussion Paper 157, January. Mufson, Steven. (1995). China's heavy hands: A symbol of insecurity. The International Herald Tribune, September 12, p. 1. Poole, Teresa. (1995). UN women's conference: Chinese red tape ties up delegates at home. The Independent, August 28, p. 11. Poole, Teresa. (1995). Holding up half the sky: As China prepares to host the UN World Conference on Women and a parallel forum opening tomorrow. The Independent, 29th August, 2-3. Pringle, James. (1995). Chinese will relax vigilance at forum. The Times, September 4, p. 12. Pringle, James. (1995). Security circus leaves delegates out in the cold. The Times, September 5, p. 9. Qi Wenying (Ed.). (1995). Women's studies in China: A

251

selected bibliography and resource guide, from ancient times to the present (in Chinese). Beijing: Beijing University Press. Renmin Ribao (People's Daily). (1995). A comparison of the situation of women in China and the USA. Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), September 9, pp. 1, 4. Stetson, Dorothy, & Mazur, Amy. (Eds.). (1995). Comparative state feminism. London: Sage. Stetson, Dorothy. (1987). Women's rights in France. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Strand, Dav.id. (1990). Protest in Beijing: Civil society and public sphere in China. Problems of Communism, 39, 1-19. Summary of World Broadcasts. (1994). Renmin Ribao: Foreign-funded enterprises are not above Chinese labour law. Summary of World Broadcasts, Far East/1893, G2. 12.01. London: BBC World Service. Summerfield, Gale. (1994). Effects of the changing employment Situation on urban Chinese women. Review of Social Economy, Spring, 40-59. Walder, Andrew. (1989). The political sociology of the Beijing upheaval of 1989. Problems of Communism, September~October, 3 ~ 4 0 . Wan Shanping. (1988). The emergence of women's studies in China. Women's Studies International Forum, 11, 455-464. Wang Jian Jian. (1989). A spring wind b l o w s . . . Report of reforms in work of Shanxi Province Women's Federation. Zhongguo Funu (Chinese Women), May, 28-29 (in Chinese). Wang Jinling. (1992). The Maimed "Half Sky" - - The employment crisis of women in China. Chinese Education, 25, 6-15. Wang Qi. (1988). Three hot waves at the 6th Annual Congress of the ACWF. Zhongguo Funu (Chinese Women), November, 8-11 (in Chinese). Wang Yongchen. (Ed.). (1995). Voices of Women. Hainan Publishing House. Watson, Sophie. (1992). Femocratic feminisms. In Mike Savage & Ann Witz (Eds), Gender and bureaucracy. Oxford: Blackwell. Watson, Sophie. (Ed.). (1990). Playing the state: Australian feminist interventions. London: Verso. Wei Yu. (1995). Women's education in China. Beijing: Higher Education Press. White, Gordon, Howell, Jude, & Shang Xiaoyuan. (1996). In search of civil society. Market reform and social change in contemporary China. Oxford: Oxford University Press. White, Gordon. (1995). Riding the tiger. The politics of economic reform in post-Mao China. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Whyte, Martin, K., & William L Parish. (1984). Urban life in contemporary China. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. World Women. (1995). Mongella lauds NGO site. World Women, 2, 1. Xu Haoyuan. (1995). "Ladies, first" policy doesn't open many doors to equality. China Daily, August 31, 3. Xu Yang. (1995). Flying the flag for women of the world. China Daily, August 29, p. 1. Zhang Naihua with Wu Xu. (1995). Discovering the positive within the negative: The women's movement in a changing China. In Amrita Basu (Ed.), The challenge of local feminisms (pp. 25-57). Oxford: Westview Press.

252

JUDE HOWELL

Zhongguo Funu. (1988). Summary of a forum on the reform of the ACWF: Comments by Wu Ying Zeng, Chen Xiao Lu, Bai Nan Feng. Zhongguo Funu, February, 22-24.

Zhuang Ping. (1993). On the social phenomenon of trafficking in China. Chinese Education and Society, 26(3), 33-50.

APPENDIX: NEWSPAPERS

China Daily Forum, September 1995 Funu zhi Sheng (Voice of Women) August~September 1995 The Guardian The Hong Kong South China Morning Post The Independent

The International Herald Tribune Le Monde Renmin Ribao (People's Daily) The Times World Women