- Email: [email protected]
Reston: The first 20 years
Book reviews Finally, the contribution by van Vlieton housing in Israel, and Huttman’s article on northern and western Europe, provide readers with excellent information on past and present housing policies and the conditions that necessitated policy changes. Part III analyses aspects of housing in less-developed countries and focuses specifically on self-help housing arrangements in such countries as Brazil, Indonesia and Egypt. Several articles in this section are worthy of discussion. tiulati’s ‘The rise of squatter settlements: roots, responses, and current solutions’, offers a fascinating look at how Third World countries have dealt with the growing number of squatters. Gulati discusses the characteristics of the squatter, government attitudes toward the squatter, and examines the Turner Model that can be used for upgrading squatter housing. Coping with the growing number of squatters in Indonesia is the focus of Herhanto, Hofsteede and Gulati’s ‘Integrated Kampung improvement programs and mutual aid in Indonesia’. The authors examine various settlement programmes in Indonesia and describe how they have been hindered by bureaucratic problems - a topic often ignored in studies.
Squatter’s
life
El-Messiri presents readers with an interesting view of a squatter’s life in ‘The squatter’s perspective of housing: an Egyptian view’. He describes the struggles and sacrifices of a squatter and how the individual subject of this case study differs from the usual portrait of a squatter. The societal context of housing is examined in part IV. More specifically, it analyses how other factors (economic, political, cultural) affect housing policies. Of special note is Ylonnen’s ‘Societal factors shaping the internal structure of Finnish cities’. In this well written article, Ylonnen explores the social development of Tampere, Finland and how the public and private sectors interact to develop Finnish housing policy. Overall, van Vliet, Huttman, and Fava have organized the articles in a
80
way which provides readers with a wealth of information on international housing needs, programmes, and pohties. The book also contains an excellent reference section to assist readers in locating additional articles on different perspectives regarding housing. While a few of the articles are confusing and appear simply to recite data, most are well written and provide interesting insights into housing from the global perspective. The only major drawback to the book is the placement of the notes at the end of the book
rather than following each article where the information would have been more accessible. Nevertheless, I would recommend the book to sociology, planning and housing policy students as well as to anyone interested in alternative perspectives on housing at the international level.
Roger W. Caves Master of City Planning Program San Diego State University San Diego, CA, USA
Walking a financial tightrope RESTON: THE FIRST20
YEARS
by Tom Grubisich and Peter McCandless Planned Community Archives, Reston, VA, USA, 7985, 128 pp, $20.00 Most of us can usually remember where we were and how we felt when newsworthy events occurred - the beginning of the European Common Market, US President John F. Kennedy’s assassination, astronaut John Glenn’s earth orbit, and so forth. But how many of us can recall where we were when we learned the news that residents had moved into the new town that developer Robert Simon was building in the Northern Virginia countryside west of Washington, DC? The town was Reston, and the year was 1964. Simon is gone now as developer; so is Gulf Reston. Reston Land Corporation, a Mobil Oil subsidiary, is Reston’s third developer, and it and the residents of Reston recently celebrated 20 years of real estate development activity. For those who want to catch up on the past 20 years in one of the more famous of the USA new towns, or for those who just want to reminisce, a recently published book should delight. It is a handsome volume, the work of many hands, and an outgrowth of the Reston 20th Anniversary Committee. The authors are Tom Grubisich, cofounder and editor of the Restonbased weekly newspaper, The Con-
nection, and a 17-year Reston resident, and Peter McCandless, president of a Reston public relations firm bearing his name, who has been involved in sales and marketing for all three of Reston’s developers for 21 years (during which time he has also been a resident of Reston). Recorded history is replete with evidence of ‘new town’ activity, for it can be said that at one time every settlement was ‘new’. New towns emerged out of folk societies some 6000 years ago. Over the span of these 6000 years, the small subsistence farming villages expanded into towns and, later, cities, made possible by the exploitation of domesticated animals and sustained by the surplus of agricultural products. Such abundance permitted the rise of a complex class structure and labour specialization.
Prime forces Before the advent of industrialization, the prime forces responsible for urban development were the proximity to fertile soil and waterways for trade; defence; the storage of agricultural products; and the celebration of religious ritual. To these reasons, industrialization added others; city siting became contingent upon the nearness to certain raw materials and the provision of water power. A revolution in the agricultural sciences preceded the industrial technology. New methods of farming practice released labour for other tasks even as they had been freed earlier by the
LAND USE POLICY January
1987
Book reviews
economic stability assured by the surplus of cereal crops. Whereas an agricultural surplus made possible an urban revolution, industrialization stimulated an urban immigration. ~roughout the 19th century, many observers of the urban scene became shocked at the results of this massive urban immigration - cities of filth, misery, and social breakdown. While writers such as Charles Dickens or Lincoln Steffens merely decried the sntuation in their essays, others began to offer remedies - many of which were utopian in character - and new towns were principal among them. If man had built communities for thousands of years based on political, religious and economic motives, they reasoned, why could he not build communities based on improving the quality of life in the urban environment? In fact, when Ebenezer Howard, the ‘father’ of the new town movement first published his book, Garden Cities of Tomorrow , in 1898, it had a more utopian title - Tomorrow: a Peaceful Path to Real Reform.
Experimental utopia To someone living in the 19th century, a utopia was not an impractical, impossible notion. Consequently, throughout the century, experimental utopias were greeted enthusiastically, especially in the UK, and the ideas of industrialists Robert Owen and Titus Salt, author Edward Bellamy, biologist Patrick Geddes, and others were widely supported. Whereas the 19th century utopian communities were expounded on a scale based on a local economy, the 20th century saw a gradual shift to a regional suburban economy. The idea of building whole new communities has persisted through the 20th century. In the UK, after the first world war, several minor endeavours were created that provided sufficient experience on which to base the official, government new towns programme as part of the national planning and reconstruction after the second world war. In the USA, however, it was private enterprise that contributed the most to new town development. As an out-
LAND USE POLICY January 1987
growth of the industrial revolution, the company town is perhaps the best known of these diverse private investments. Between 1830 and 1900, construction of these towns (eg Pullman, Illinois, built by sleeping car magnate George Pullman) occurred frequently, but only a few could be considered well planned.
No paternalism Although the company town failed to generate widespread enthusiasm for planned communities, the idea was seized by planners and developers, albeit for different reasons. Wanting to avoid the paternalism of the company town, private investors hoped to develop communities apart from the industrial process. One of the earliest of these real estate subdivisions was Riverside, designed by landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted near Chicago in 1869. And the UK’s first two garden cities, Letchworth and Welwyn, were in existence when Clarence Stein decided to build an American garden city - Radburn, New Jersey. Started in 1928, Radburn was soon engulfed in the depression of the 1930s and only a small portion was constructed. Undaunted, Stein tried to realize his ideas with the development of Chatham Hills near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (1929) and Baldwin Hills Village in Los Angeles (California) County (1941). As a logical adjunct to the postsecond-world-war suburban growth boom in the USA, what had started out as large-scale housing subdivisions gradually evolved into large-scale new communities - projects such as Park Forest in suburban Chicago, Illinois; Foster City in San Francisco, California; Ranch0 Bernardo in San Diego, California; Irvine, California; Columbia, Maryland; and Reston. This might be considered the heyday of the modern US new community. In many cases there was a large corporate sponsor or, in the case of some of the California communities, large land holdings in single ownership. To a great extent these communities were the private sector’s response to the ~st-second-world-war new town
movement in the UK and in other countries of Europe. All these earlier models had caught the imagination of entrepreneurial developers, and they saw an opportunity to try and make projects like those happen in the USA. Reston: the First 20 Years examines Reston’s history from four perspectives: Simon’s vision, Gulfs nightmare, Mobil’s success, and the residents’ hopes. From all the participants, the continuity was commitment. As Fran Steinbauer, former president of Reston Land Corporation so aptly states in the book’s foreword: ‘Reston began through commitment, exists through commitment, and will flourish through commitment’. Worth the price of the book itself is a fascinating appendix detailing the financial tightrope that the three developers have walked since the project was started. It should have had a much more prominent place in this Reston history for it clearly illustrates the major problems facing large-scale development in the USA - namely, the capacity to acquire and carry large land parcels over the development period, the massive amounts of capital required to buiId infrastructure for a large-scale development, and the staying power to stick with a development project when changes in economics, market demand, and other factors cause a slowdown or a change in the type of product that should be delivered to the marketplace. It is said (very accurately in Reston’s case) that it is not the first or even the second developers who make money on these large-scale projects; it is the last developer!
Renewed interest Fascination with the concept of largescale residential development peaks every 20 years or so. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that there will be a resurgence of both public and private interest in large-scale development. What has made, and continues to make, ‘new towns’, ‘new communities’, or ‘large-scale developments’ (the latter term is now being used more frequently) an attractive concept is the potential for improved and more
81
Book reviews
efficient land use and development, both initially and over the long haul. What makes this book attractive for developers and others is that generally it is written, as a good history should be, from the perspective of mistakes made and lessons learned. Unfortunately you will not find a land use map of Reston in this volume, nor will you find a complete description of the phases of the development, a shortcoming for many not intimately familiar with Reston’s
The energy-land W. Burchell
and
Center for Urban Policy Research, Piscataway, NJ, USA, 1982, 601 pp, $28.50 PARADOXESOFWESTERN ENERGY DEVELOPMENT How Can We Maintain the Land and the People If We Develop? edited by Cyrus M. McKell, Donald G. Browne, Elinor C. Cruze, William R. Freudenburg, Richard L. Perrine and Fred Roach Westview Press, Boulder, CO, USA, distributed in the UK by Bowker, Epping, UK, 1984, 327pp, f39.50 To understand land use it is necessary to understand the forces that act upon the land. Prominent among these forces are energy resource development and energy use. While energy has recently disappeared as a burning issue in most government policy circles, following the precipitous decline in world oil prices, its effects on land use are undeniable. Yet, as is noted in the introduction to Energy and Land Use, land use planning and energy policy are related areas that have traditionally been handled by separate levels of government. In the other volume to be reviewed herein, Paradoxes
82
of
Western
Energy
W. Paul O’Mara Urban Land institute Washifigton, DC, USA
use nexus
ENERGY AND LAND USE edited by Robert David Listokin
overall size and ultimate mix of land uses. This was to be expected, however; the book is as much a popular celebration of the past 20 years as it is a documentation of the planning and development issues involved. In essence, it is people oriented, but isn’t that what new communities were supposed to be about in the first place?
Davelop-
ment, these issues are addressed in the context of the most arid, environmentally fragile region of the USA. Energy and Land Use contains 27 chapters divided into four sections, plus a rather long introduction and an extensive bibliography. The introduction gives a good overview of the book, and provides a lengthy discussion of the energy-land use nexus. Clearly, this book gives a very comprehensive treatment of the subject; while energy conservation and solar power development are given special emphasis, coal use and nuclear power are covered as well. The OPEC nations’ flexing of their political muscle back in 1973-74 is identified as the watershed for energy-sensitive land use planning. However, a few of the chapters do not address land use explicitly, which is a minor detraction in this very valuable book. Section one is concerned with energy and the city. A variety of urban and metropolitan forms are examined, although little support is found for the proposition that high energy prices will halt the march of city dwellers to the suburbs and rural areas. Indeed, many people strongly prefer the housing, services, open space and other amenities found in the suburbs, where employment opportunities are increasingly plentiful. Such residential location patterns have mixed effects on energy use. For instance, while suburban, detached housing units require more energy than do clustered units, the former are typically newer and more energy-efficient, and more
amenable to solar heating. As for transport-related energy consumption, it is hard to draw definite conclusions. While residents of ‘compact’ cities typically use more public transport, residents of ‘spread’ cities often save energy by using car pools to travel downtown, or by working close to suburban homes. The second section of the book addresses alternative land use measures to limit energy consumption. The authors examine opportunities through site planning and design, urban planning, large-scale development, and even vegetarianism for increased energy efficiency, but recognize several barriers. Probably the best chapter in this section discusses a survey of homebuilders, subcontractors and homeowners in North Carolina, on the adoption of energy conservation features in new homes. The use of energy conservation technologies was increasing rapidly by the late 197Os, although solar energy use was not very popular. Cost and marketing were the prime factors seen as moving the new home market, and supportive government policies were advocated to boost home energy conservation further. Other chapters note that greater difficulties may hinder energy efficiency through urban design changes and large-scale development projects. Nevertheless, substantial energy savings await the creative (and vigilant) urban planners and policy makers.
Future energy sources Section three turns to alternative land use measures to assure adequate energy supply. The future of conventional energy sources is considered, while the prospects for some major new energy sources are also reviewed. While most energy forecasts have been notoriously wrong in the past, it now appears that there are major stumbling blocks to the widespread use of coal and fission-based nuclear power. Even a chapter on the residential use of coal opts for conservation and community-based cogeneration, renewables and some (coal) gasification, instead of massive urban coal conversion. Generally, more hope is given to district heating, cogeneration
LAND USE POLICY January
1987
Squatter’s
life
El-Messiri presents readers with an interesting view of a squatter’s life in ‘The squatter’s perspective of housing: an Egyptian view’. He describes the struggles and sacrifices of a squatter and how the individual subject of this case study differs from the usual portrait of a squatter. The societal context of housing is examined in part IV. More specifically, it analyses how other factors (economic, political, cultural) affect housing policies. Of special note is Ylonnen’s ‘Societal factors shaping the internal structure of Finnish cities’. In this well written article, Ylonnen explores the social development of Tampere, Finland and how the public and private sectors interact to develop Finnish housing policy. Overall, van Vliet, Huttman, and Fava have organized the articles in a
80
way which provides readers with a wealth of information on international housing needs, programmes, and pohties. The book also contains an excellent reference section to assist readers in locating additional articles on different perspectives regarding housing. While a few of the articles are confusing and appear simply to recite data, most are well written and provide interesting insights into housing from the global perspective. The only major drawback to the book is the placement of the notes at the end of the book
rather than following each article where the information would have been more accessible. Nevertheless, I would recommend the book to sociology, planning and housing policy students as well as to anyone interested in alternative perspectives on housing at the international level.
Roger W. Caves Master of City Planning Program San Diego State University San Diego, CA, USA
Walking a financial tightrope RESTON: THE FIRST20
YEARS
by Tom Grubisich and Peter McCandless Planned Community Archives, Reston, VA, USA, 7985, 128 pp, $20.00 Most of us can usually remember where we were and how we felt when newsworthy events occurred - the beginning of the European Common Market, US President John F. Kennedy’s assassination, astronaut John Glenn’s earth orbit, and so forth. But how many of us can recall where we were when we learned the news that residents had moved into the new town that developer Robert Simon was building in the Northern Virginia countryside west of Washington, DC? The town was Reston, and the year was 1964. Simon is gone now as developer; so is Gulf Reston. Reston Land Corporation, a Mobil Oil subsidiary, is Reston’s third developer, and it and the residents of Reston recently celebrated 20 years of real estate development activity. For those who want to catch up on the past 20 years in one of the more famous of the USA new towns, or for those who just want to reminisce, a recently published book should delight. It is a handsome volume, the work of many hands, and an outgrowth of the Reston 20th Anniversary Committee. The authors are Tom Grubisich, cofounder and editor of the Restonbased weekly newspaper, The Con-
nection, and a 17-year Reston resident, and Peter McCandless, president of a Reston public relations firm bearing his name, who has been involved in sales and marketing for all three of Reston’s developers for 21 years (during which time he has also been a resident of Reston). Recorded history is replete with evidence of ‘new town’ activity, for it can be said that at one time every settlement was ‘new’. New towns emerged out of folk societies some 6000 years ago. Over the span of these 6000 years, the small subsistence farming villages expanded into towns and, later, cities, made possible by the exploitation of domesticated animals and sustained by the surplus of agricultural products. Such abundance permitted the rise of a complex class structure and labour specialization.
Prime forces Before the advent of industrialization, the prime forces responsible for urban development were the proximity to fertile soil and waterways for trade; defence; the storage of agricultural products; and the celebration of religious ritual. To these reasons, industrialization added others; city siting became contingent upon the nearness to certain raw materials and the provision of water power. A revolution in the agricultural sciences preceded the industrial technology. New methods of farming practice released labour for other tasks even as they had been freed earlier by the
LAND USE POLICY January
1987
Book reviews
economic stability assured by the surplus of cereal crops. Whereas an agricultural surplus made possible an urban revolution, industrialization stimulated an urban immigration. ~roughout the 19th century, many observers of the urban scene became shocked at the results of this massive urban immigration - cities of filth, misery, and social breakdown. While writers such as Charles Dickens or Lincoln Steffens merely decried the sntuation in their essays, others began to offer remedies - many of which were utopian in character - and new towns were principal among them. If man had built communities for thousands of years based on political, religious and economic motives, they reasoned, why could he not build communities based on improving the quality of life in the urban environment? In fact, when Ebenezer Howard, the ‘father’ of the new town movement first published his book, Garden Cities of Tomorrow , in 1898, it had a more utopian title - Tomorrow: a Peaceful Path to Real Reform.
Experimental utopia To someone living in the 19th century, a utopia was not an impractical, impossible notion. Consequently, throughout the century, experimental utopias were greeted enthusiastically, especially in the UK, and the ideas of industrialists Robert Owen and Titus Salt, author Edward Bellamy, biologist Patrick Geddes, and others were widely supported. Whereas the 19th century utopian communities were expounded on a scale based on a local economy, the 20th century saw a gradual shift to a regional suburban economy. The idea of building whole new communities has persisted through the 20th century. In the UK, after the first world war, several minor endeavours were created that provided sufficient experience on which to base the official, government new towns programme as part of the national planning and reconstruction after the second world war. In the USA, however, it was private enterprise that contributed the most to new town development. As an out-
LAND USE POLICY January 1987
growth of the industrial revolution, the company town is perhaps the best known of these diverse private investments. Between 1830 and 1900, construction of these towns (eg Pullman, Illinois, built by sleeping car magnate George Pullman) occurred frequently, but only a few could be considered well planned.
No paternalism Although the company town failed to generate widespread enthusiasm for planned communities, the idea was seized by planners and developers, albeit for different reasons. Wanting to avoid the paternalism of the company town, private investors hoped to develop communities apart from the industrial process. One of the earliest of these real estate subdivisions was Riverside, designed by landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted near Chicago in 1869. And the UK’s first two garden cities, Letchworth and Welwyn, were in existence when Clarence Stein decided to build an American garden city - Radburn, New Jersey. Started in 1928, Radburn was soon engulfed in the depression of the 1930s and only a small portion was constructed. Undaunted, Stein tried to realize his ideas with the development of Chatham Hills near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (1929) and Baldwin Hills Village in Los Angeles (California) County (1941). As a logical adjunct to the postsecond-world-war suburban growth boom in the USA, what had started out as large-scale housing subdivisions gradually evolved into large-scale new communities - projects such as Park Forest in suburban Chicago, Illinois; Foster City in San Francisco, California; Ranch0 Bernardo in San Diego, California; Irvine, California; Columbia, Maryland; and Reston. This might be considered the heyday of the modern US new community. In many cases there was a large corporate sponsor or, in the case of some of the California communities, large land holdings in single ownership. To a great extent these communities were the private sector’s response to the ~st-second-world-war new town
movement in the UK and in other countries of Europe. All these earlier models had caught the imagination of entrepreneurial developers, and they saw an opportunity to try and make projects like those happen in the USA. Reston: the First 20 Years examines Reston’s history from four perspectives: Simon’s vision, Gulfs nightmare, Mobil’s success, and the residents’ hopes. From all the participants, the continuity was commitment. As Fran Steinbauer, former president of Reston Land Corporation so aptly states in the book’s foreword: ‘Reston began through commitment, exists through commitment, and will flourish through commitment’. Worth the price of the book itself is a fascinating appendix detailing the financial tightrope that the three developers have walked since the project was started. It should have had a much more prominent place in this Reston history for it clearly illustrates the major problems facing large-scale development in the USA - namely, the capacity to acquire and carry large land parcels over the development period, the massive amounts of capital required to buiId infrastructure for a large-scale development, and the staying power to stick with a development project when changes in economics, market demand, and other factors cause a slowdown or a change in the type of product that should be delivered to the marketplace. It is said (very accurately in Reston’s case) that it is not the first or even the second developers who make money on these large-scale projects; it is the last developer!
Renewed interest Fascination with the concept of largescale residential development peaks every 20 years or so. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that there will be a resurgence of both public and private interest in large-scale development. What has made, and continues to make, ‘new towns’, ‘new communities’, or ‘large-scale developments’ (the latter term is now being used more frequently) an attractive concept is the potential for improved and more
81
Book reviews
efficient land use and development, both initially and over the long haul. What makes this book attractive for developers and others is that generally it is written, as a good history should be, from the perspective of mistakes made and lessons learned. Unfortunately you will not find a land use map of Reston in this volume, nor will you find a complete description of the phases of the development, a shortcoming for many not intimately familiar with Reston’s
The energy-land W. Burchell
and
Center for Urban Policy Research, Piscataway, NJ, USA, 1982, 601 pp, $28.50 PARADOXESOFWESTERN ENERGY DEVELOPMENT How Can We Maintain the Land and the People If We Develop? edited by Cyrus M. McKell, Donald G. Browne, Elinor C. Cruze, William R. Freudenburg, Richard L. Perrine and Fred Roach Westview Press, Boulder, CO, USA, distributed in the UK by Bowker, Epping, UK, 1984, 327pp, f39.50 To understand land use it is necessary to understand the forces that act upon the land. Prominent among these forces are energy resource development and energy use. While energy has recently disappeared as a burning issue in most government policy circles, following the precipitous decline in world oil prices, its effects on land use are undeniable. Yet, as is noted in the introduction to Energy and Land Use, land use planning and energy policy are related areas that have traditionally been handled by separate levels of government. In the other volume to be reviewed herein, Paradoxes
82
of
Western
Energy
W. Paul O’Mara Urban Land institute Washifigton, DC, USA
use nexus
ENERGY AND LAND USE edited by Robert David Listokin
overall size and ultimate mix of land uses. This was to be expected, however; the book is as much a popular celebration of the past 20 years as it is a documentation of the planning and development issues involved. In essence, it is people oriented, but isn’t that what new communities were supposed to be about in the first place?
Davelop-
ment, these issues are addressed in the context of the most arid, environmentally fragile region of the USA. Energy and Land Use contains 27 chapters divided into four sections, plus a rather long introduction and an extensive bibliography. The introduction gives a good overview of the book, and provides a lengthy discussion of the energy-land use nexus. Clearly, this book gives a very comprehensive treatment of the subject; while energy conservation and solar power development are given special emphasis, coal use and nuclear power are covered as well. The OPEC nations’ flexing of their political muscle back in 1973-74 is identified as the watershed for energy-sensitive land use planning. However, a few of the chapters do not address land use explicitly, which is a minor detraction in this very valuable book. Section one is concerned with energy and the city. A variety of urban and metropolitan forms are examined, although little support is found for the proposition that high energy prices will halt the march of city dwellers to the suburbs and rural areas. Indeed, many people strongly prefer the housing, services, open space and other amenities found in the suburbs, where employment opportunities are increasingly plentiful. Such residential location patterns have mixed effects on energy use. For instance, while suburban, detached housing units require more energy than do clustered units, the former are typically newer and more energy-efficient, and more
amenable to solar heating. As for transport-related energy consumption, it is hard to draw definite conclusions. While residents of ‘compact’ cities typically use more public transport, residents of ‘spread’ cities often save energy by using car pools to travel downtown, or by working close to suburban homes. The second section of the book addresses alternative land use measures to limit energy consumption. The authors examine opportunities through site planning and design, urban planning, large-scale development, and even vegetarianism for increased energy efficiency, but recognize several barriers. Probably the best chapter in this section discusses a survey of homebuilders, subcontractors and homeowners in North Carolina, on the adoption of energy conservation features in new homes. The use of energy conservation technologies was increasing rapidly by the late 197Os, although solar energy use was not very popular. Cost and marketing were the prime factors seen as moving the new home market, and supportive government policies were advocated to boost home energy conservation further. Other chapters note that greater difficulties may hinder energy efficiency through urban design changes and large-scale development projects. Nevertheless, substantial energy savings await the creative (and vigilant) urban planners and policy makers.
Future energy sources Section three turns to alternative land use measures to assure adequate energy supply. The future of conventional energy sources is considered, while the prospects for some major new energy sources are also reviewed. While most energy forecasts have been notoriously wrong in the past, it now appears that there are major stumbling blocks to the widespread use of coal and fission-based nuclear power. Even a chapter on the residential use of coal opts for conservation and community-based cogeneration, renewables and some (coal) gasification, instead of massive urban coal conversion. Generally, more hope is given to district heating, cogeneration
LAND USE POLICY January
1987