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Revue politique et parlementaire
138
Guide to Journal Articles
Jean-Luc Parodi, 'L'alternance ~ la fransaise', Revue politique et parlementaire, May June 1981, 83, No. 892, pp. 42-49. The article examines the consequences of the election of a president of the Left. Clive Payne and Philip J. Brown, 'Forecasting the British Election to the European Parliament', British Journal of Political Science, 11 : 2, April 1981, pp. 235-245. A description of BBC methods to predict the composition of the British delegation to the European Parliament. Tentative conclusions are drawn about the behaviour of the British electorate. Per Arnt Pettersen, 'Identification, Agreement and Government Performance: The Relative Impact on Voting', Scandinavian Political Studies, 4: 3, 1981, pp. 221 252. By using Norwegian data from the elections of 1965, 1969 and 1977, the identification model is found to be the most powerful in predicting individual voting behaviour as opposed to a rational calculation of the parties' ideological positions or which governmental alternative will bring most utility to the individual voter. Thierry Pfister, 'Quand le centre penche ~igauche', Revuepol#ique etparlemenlaire, May June 1981, 83, No. 892, pp. 9-14. The 1981 presidential election in France. Roy Pierce and Philip E. Converse, 'Candidate Visibility in France and the United States', Legislative Studies Quarterly, 6: 3, August 1981, pp. 339 371. Survey data indicate that French legislative candidates are more visible than United States congressional candidates to the electorates in their districts. Candidate visibility appears to be greater in an American Presidential election year than in 'off-years'. Geoffrey Pridham, 'The 1980 Bundestag Election: A Case o f " N o r m a l i t y " ', West ~uropean Politics, 4: 2, May 1981, pp. 112 123. The 1980 election, in terms of the campaign and apparently in the outcome, could best be described as 'normal' in that it was not perceived as a crucial test for German democracy. Hans Rattinger and Walter Puschner, '(Dkonomie und Politik in der Bundesrepublik-Wirtschaftslage und Wahlverhalten, 1953 1980', Politische Viertel/ahresschrift, 22: 3, 1981, pp, 264-286. The effects of the general economic situation and the expectation of personal prosperity play a part in weakening the government and strengthening the opposition. This applies particularly to the SPD and the CDU. Ronald Rogowski, 'Social Class and Partisanship in European Electorates: A Reassessment', World Politics, 33: 4, July 1981, pp. 639 649. Is class or partisanship a more important determinant of voting in European electorates? Partisanship is found to affect voting far more than social class. This conclusion is buttressed by further analysis of British and German data. Wilma Rule, 'Why Women don't run: The Critical Contextual Factors in Women's Legislative Recruitment', Western Politicalo()uarterly, 34: 1, March 1981, pp. 60-77. This article tries to determine the critical socio-political contextual factors associated with limited or expanded opportunities for women's recruitment to to legislative office: that is, the effect of aggregate contextual patterns associated with the varying proportions of women recruited to political office.
Guide to Journal Articles
Jean-Luc Parodi, 'L'alternance ~ la fransaise', Revue politique et parlementaire, May June 1981, 83, No. 892, pp. 42-49. The article examines the consequences of the election of a president of the Left. Clive Payne and Philip J. Brown, 'Forecasting the British Election to the European Parliament', British Journal of Political Science, 11 : 2, April 1981, pp. 235-245. A description of BBC methods to predict the composition of the British delegation to the European Parliament. Tentative conclusions are drawn about the behaviour of the British electorate. Per Arnt Pettersen, 'Identification, Agreement and Government Performance: The Relative Impact on Voting', Scandinavian Political Studies, 4: 3, 1981, pp. 221 252. By using Norwegian data from the elections of 1965, 1969 and 1977, the identification model is found to be the most powerful in predicting individual voting behaviour as opposed to a rational calculation of the parties' ideological positions or which governmental alternative will bring most utility to the individual voter. Thierry Pfister, 'Quand le centre penche ~igauche', Revuepol#ique etparlemenlaire, May June 1981, 83, No. 892, pp. 9-14. The 1981 presidential election in France. Roy Pierce and Philip E. Converse, 'Candidate Visibility in France and the United States', Legislative Studies Quarterly, 6: 3, August 1981, pp. 339 371. Survey data indicate that French legislative candidates are more visible than United States congressional candidates to the electorates in their districts. Candidate visibility appears to be greater in an American Presidential election year than in 'off-years'. Geoffrey Pridham, 'The 1980 Bundestag Election: A Case o f " N o r m a l i t y " ', West ~uropean Politics, 4: 2, May 1981, pp. 112 123. The 1980 election, in terms of the campaign and apparently in the outcome, could best be described as 'normal' in that it was not perceived as a crucial test for German democracy. Hans Rattinger and Walter Puschner, '(Dkonomie und Politik in der Bundesrepublik-Wirtschaftslage und Wahlverhalten, 1953 1980', Politische Viertel/ahresschrift, 22: 3, 1981, pp, 264-286. The effects of the general economic situation and the expectation of personal prosperity play a part in weakening the government and strengthening the opposition. This applies particularly to the SPD and the CDU. Ronald Rogowski, 'Social Class and Partisanship in European Electorates: A Reassessment', World Politics, 33: 4, July 1981, pp. 639 649. Is class or partisanship a more important determinant of voting in European electorates? Partisanship is found to affect voting far more than social class. This conclusion is buttressed by further analysis of British and German data. Wilma Rule, 'Why Women don't run: The Critical Contextual Factors in Women's Legislative Recruitment', Western Politicalo()uarterly, 34: 1, March 1981, pp. 60-77. This article tries to determine the critical socio-political contextual factors associated with limited or expanded opportunities for women's recruitment to to legislative office: that is, the effect of aggregate contextual patterns associated with the varying proportions of women recruited to political office.