- Email: [email protected]
Santiago, Chile
Chapter 4
Santiago, Chile V´ıctor Rocco1, Tomas ´ Rossetti2 and Juan Carlos Mun˜oz2 1
Goplaceit, Santiago, Chile, 2Centro de Desarrollo Urbano Sustentable, Pontificia Universidad Cato´lica de Chile, Santiago, Chile
Chapter Outline Introduction: parking in Santiago Location and amount Price of parking Transport and mobility Social trends
61 62 64 65 67
Land use Technology Planning policies Conclusion References
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Introduction: parking in Santiago Santiago is the capital of Chile and is the country’s most important city in terms of demographics and the economy. Since the 19th century, it has attracted important internal migratory flows and now has around 7 million inhabitants. Several social and economic processes have shaped it during the years: economic growth, especially since the country’s return to democracy in 1990, has improved living standards; however, other areas of development have lagged behind. For example, housing policies have shaped a very segregated city with little social mixing. This economic growth, along with several urban and transport policies, has produced a massive increase not only in the number of cars per household but also in their use. In this context, we will analyze, explain, and project the future of parking and car usage in Santiago. This section details the current state of parking in Santiago: where it is located, how much is available, and how much it costs. The first subsection shows that while public parking is relatively easy to access in most areas of the city, private parking is concentrated in high-income neighborhoods and in places where more services are located. It will also show that parking provision is growing in Santiago. The second subsection will detail general prices of parking in the city. Even though little information exists regarding prices, we show that they are probably lower than what would be optimal from a social standpoint. Parking: An International Perspective. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-815265-2.00004-2 © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Location and amount The city of Santiago has many parking spaces available and distributed among most of its roads, although an actual number is unknown. Chilean legislation allows on-street parking on any street that does not serve a main, arterial purpose. Even though municipalities have the authority to limit the on-street parking, or charge for the right to use the space, they usually avoid it. This means that most, if not all dwellings in residential areas, have easily accessible parking at their doorsteps. In addition to on-street parking spaces, private parking facilities are available in many high-demand areas. Increasingly, private parking is being provided mostly in offices and residential buildings, as well as publicly accessible parking in private parking lots or malls. Santiago is administratively divided into 34 different municipalities that have the roles of regulating services such as garbage disposal, construction, and maintenance of public spaces, as well as provision of on-street parking. Unfortunately, most municipalities have little information available on the number of on-street parking available in their jurisdictions, which can be restricted by periods, weekdays, or is permanently allocated. There is no centralized source that records this information and therefore it has to be collected at each municipality. Nevertheless, because of the high concentration of activities in Santiago, focusing in some municipalities can serve as a good proxy for the state of the city. For example, the municipality of Providencia, the location with one of the most concentrated set of services and offices in Santiago, has a total of 20,486 on-street parking spaces available (Ilustre Municipalidad de Providencia, 2018). Of these, only 14% is paid parking, the rest is free parking. Based on our experience living in the city, we believe that the proportion of charged spaces is even lower in other municipalities of Santiago. While there is scant information about on-street, the location and amount of private parking are well documented by the Chilean internal revenue service, particularly for apartments and other buildings. Fig. 4.1 displays the location of these parking facilities in the city, showing that they are mainly concentrated in the north-eastern area of Santiago. This area corresponds to the places where higher earning families tend to live and the location of most commercial activities and services. The traditional downtown area of Santiago also provides private parking in spite of its low road capacity and abundant public transport alternatives. Table 4.1 shows that these two areas of the city have the greatest amount of private parking spaces per dwelling. Other areas of Santiago have a much lower amount of parking spaces per dwelling due to three reasons. First, these areas have lower income households that have lower motorization rates. Second, on-street parking is abundant and free in these areas. Finally, there are relatively few services in those areas. All these factors contribute to a lower demand for private parking.
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FIGURE 4.1 Location of private parking spaces in Santiago by area. Left: City of Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service infor´ mation (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
TABLE 4.1 Number and change in private parking provision in Santiago between 2014 and 2017. Area
Number of private parking spaces (2017)
Change (201417, number)
Change (201417, %)
Number of private parking spaces per dwelling (2017)
Downtown
53,863
3,108
6
0.28
North
17,134
2,092
14
0.07
South
25,946
3,130
14
0.04
East
399,500
31,178
8
0.91
West
6,779
583
9
0.02
Total
503,222
40,091
9
0.25
Source: Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service information (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. Informacio´n b´asica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/ sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
Table 4.1 also shows that all areas in Santiago have experienced an increase in the number of private parking spaces, with an average increase of 9% in 3 years. The area that grew the least was the traditional downtown area, with only a 6% increase in 3 years, along with the wealthy eastern area. The northern and southern areas are the ones that proportionally
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FIGURE 4.2 Difference in the amount of private parking between 2014 and 2017. Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service information (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. ´ Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/? caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
increased their private parking provision at a quicker rate, but still lag behind the city-wide average of 0.25 parking spaces per dwelling. There are only a few blocks where there has been a reduction of private parking spaces in Santiago (see Fig. 4.2).
Price of parking Most prices of private parking places vary between 40 and 50 CLP per minute (approximately US$0.060.08). Highest prices are observed in the densest areas and in some hospitals, especially those located in high-income neighborhoods. Parking meters are not common in Santiago’s streets. Instead, municipalities usually tender the administration and collection of parking fees to private companies. These, in turn, hire fare collectors that are assigned to register the car’s plate, calculate the time spent parked, and charge users, usually in cash. This has several difficulties: if a driver misses the parking personnel and leaves without paying, they are subject to a fine. On-street parking is usually charged by blocks of time, with a fixed price for the first period of time (usually half an hour), and then charged by the minute. Charged onstreet parking is usually saturated, especially in high-demand areas, suggesting their prices are below users’ willingness to pay for parking. It is also common to see private individuals take over certain street segments and charge for parking spaces that are theoretically free. This practice is widespread not only in Santiago, but in Latin American cities in general (R´ıos et al., 2013), and is usually tolerated by municipalities. Informally rented private spaces are another source of parking in Santiago. Owners of parking spaces in well-located business and residential
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buildings that do not own cars usually rent out these on a monthly basis. These data have not been adequately systematized, but a brief overview of popular online listings shows prices in the historical central business district vary between US$150 and US$170 per month, and in Providencia, prices vary between US$135 and US$150 per month. Since November 2016, new regulations introduced major changes in the way in which private parking is priced in Chile, particularly in Santiago, and established the responsibilities of parking providers in cases of car theft or other incidents. The proposed new law originally proposed a guaranteed 2hour gratuitous period that sparked an intense public and academic debate regarding free parking in malls, supermarkets, hospitals, and other locations (see, e.g., Tirachini, 2015). The free-of-charge period was finally excluded from the approved law, and the new regulation established two modes of charging: by the minute and by time periods of no less than 10 minutes with an initial period of not less than 30 minutes. Parking services have the option to establish a period of free parking, before charging commences. This regulation seems to have increased prices in general (SERNAC, 2017).
Transport and mobility Santiago’s official mobility survey, called Encuesta Origen-Destino, is the main and official source of mobility information in Santiago. The most recent survey was conducted between July 2012 and November 2013. It collects data through questionnaires and passive sources such as transport payment card transactions. Its main results are summarized in this section. According to the recent survey, a total of 18.5 million trips are made in a regular working day in Santiago: 7.1 million are nonmotorized trips, making them the predominant mode. It is estimated that, on average, 2.78 trips are generated per inhabitant in Santiago. Higher income tends to be related to both increased and decreased motorized trips per person (see Fig. 4.3). On a regular working day, 28% of trips are in private modes and mostly by car, 29% are on public transport, and 34.5% are via walking (see Fig. 4.4). Of the total amount of transit trips, 52% are considered to use buses exclusively, 26% are considered to use a combination of buses and Metro, and 22% used only Metro. Besides the busbus and busMetro combinations, there are few intermodal trips. For example, less than 2% of car trips were combined with public transport, yet there is potential to increase this number with appropriate park-and-ride schemes. The survey showed the mode share of cars increased by 4.4% between 2001 and 2012, a likely outcome of income growth. This increase has also been propelled by the construction of more than 180 km of urban highways through private concessions since 2005. Finally, the catastrophic inauguration effects of the Transantiago system in 2007 probably prompted many public transport users to change to cars (Y´an˜ez et al., 2010).
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Parking: An International Perspective 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 Low income
Middle income Motorized
High income
Nonmotorized
FIGURE 4.3 Trips generated per person on motorized and nonmotorized modes on weekdays, divided by traveler income. Authors, based on SECTRA, 2015. Actualizacio´n y recoleccio´n de informacio´n del sistema de transporte urbano, IX Etapa: Encuesta Origen DestinoSantiago 2012. Report by Observatorio Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Biblioteca de SECTRA, Santiago. ,http://datos.gob.cl/datasets/ver/31616. (accessed 20.04.15.).
Bicycle, 4%
Others, 4%
Walking, 35% Private vehicle, 28%
Public transport, 29% FIGURE 4.4 Mode share on weekdays. Authors, based on SECTRA, 2015. Actualizacio´n y recoleccio´n de informacio´n del sistema de transporte urbano, IX Etapa: Encuesta Origen DestinoSantiago 2012. Report by Observatorio Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Biblioteca de SECTRA, Santiago. ,http://datos.gob.cl/datasets/ver/31616. (accessed 20.04.15.).
Public transport in Santiago has changed dramatically in recent decades. The system currently in operation, called Transantiago, was designed to correct the flaws and improve the efficiency of the former system that was privatized and highly deregulated in the 1980s. The former system had faced several issues such as high operation costs, high accident rates, congestion, and air pollution, among other structural problems. Transantiago was a plan conceived to maintain and increase the public transport modal split by improving the quality of service and modernizing the bus fleet. (For more details on the implementation of this system, see Mun˜oz and Gschwender, 2008.)
Millions
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1200 1000 800 600 400 200 2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
FIGURE 4.5 Trips carried out on public transport. Data not corrected for fare evasion, which could increase the total number of trips. Authors, based on Directorio de Transporte Pu´blico Metropolitano (DTPM), 2018. Informe de gestio´n 2017. Retrieved from: ,http://www.dtpm.cl/ archivos/IG_2017-web.pdf..
A trunk-feeder scheme was implemented with Transantiago. Control over bus routes covering different parts of the city was tendered to private companies, which replaced individual bus owners. Moreover, fare integration was implemented across all bus services and Santiago’s subway system, the Metro, was a key part of the system. In 2007 once Transantiago was inaugurated, Metro began serving 81% more passengers than in 2006. This dramatic change was mainly driven by the system’s fare integration and trunk-feeder design. Yet, the implementation of Transantiago was considered to be disastrous by the general population. Several elements were not working at that time, such as GPS devices to audit frequencies, as well as dedicated bus lanes. The system has taken several years to overcome these initial difficulties and is still negatively rated by santiaguinos. Authorities have introduced different policies that aim to increase the quality of service of Transantiago, especially through dedicated infrastructure. Metro’s network, for example, has grown aggressively during the past years. Nevertheless, the number of trips carried out on public transit has been stagnant during the past decade (see Fig. 4.5). Despite the significant growth in the length of the Metro network, from 85 to 118 km between the years 2008 and 2017, ridership has not grown proportionally (see Fig. 4.6).
Social trends There are no indications that Santiaguinos will reduce cars use in the future. As shown in Fig. 4.7, the proportion of young adults that hold driving licenses has not decreased during the past years, suggesting there is no reason to believe the millennial generation will drive any less than their parents.
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800
140
700
120
600
100
500 80 400 60 300 40
200
Network size (km)
Passenger affluency (millions)
Parking: An International Perspective
Affluency
20
100
0
0
Network Size
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Year
FIGURE 4.6 The total number of passengers transported by Metro in Santiago and the extension of the network. Authors, based on Directorio de Transporte Pu´blico Metropolitano (DTPM), 2018. Informe de gestio´n 2017. Retrieved from: ,http://www.dtpm.cl/archivos/IG_2017-web.pdf..
FIGURE 4.7 Proportion of nonprofessional driving licenses in Chile by age group. Instituto Nacional de Estad´ısticas (INE), 2018.
The Chilean motorization rate has not shown any sign of reducing its growth either. In only a decade, the number of vehicles per inhabitant grew by 68%, mainly due to urban policies, the construction of a highway network, and income growth (see Fig. 4.8). Even though a ride-sharing service has been recently launched in Santiago (Awto, http://www.awto.cl/), it has had limited use and impact on car ownership. In spite of the above, the use of bicycles has increased during the past years. In only 11 years its mode share doubled from 1.9% in 2001 to 4.0%
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FIGURE 4.8 Number of vehicles for every 1000 inhabitants in Chile. Instituto Nacional de Estad´ısticas (INE), 2018.
in 2012 along with significant growth in cycling infrastructure. This growth has been concentrated mainly in high-income neighborhoods, as mentioned earlier, where the number of cycling trips increased by over 700% between 2001 and 2012 (SECTRA, 2015). Authorities have continued to invest in infrastructure for this transportation mode. Three public bicycle systems have been implemented in the city during the past years, with different types of coverage and pricing plans. The effect of these shared bicycle systems on cycling mode share has not been quantified, so their impact is yet to be confirmed.
Land use Santiago is divided into 34 municipalities that administer various services such as infrastructure or education. Differing social and economic dynamics mean that most high-income households are located in a few municipalities that are concentrated in the eastern area of the city (see Fig. 4.9). The densest areas in Santiago are concentrated in an area that includes the traditional city center and extends toward the northeast (see Fig. 4.10). The rest of Santiago is mostly residential with some subcenters that concentrate commercial activity (see Fig. 4.11). Offices are mostly concentrated along the main east-west axis of the city (see Fig. 4.12). The best accessibility to services is concentrated downtown, as well as in the affluent north-eastern area due to its good access to different transportation alternatives; this area is well served with the Santiago Metro, as well as by two important urban highways. Industries and other polluting facilities are concentrated in the western area of the city, close to lower income neighborhoods (see Fig. 4.13).
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FIGURE 4.9 Proportion of the top 10% (right) and bottom 10% (left) earning households in each transport analysis zone out of total number of households living there. Authors, based on Niehaus, M., Galilea, P., Hurtubia, R., 2016. Accessibility and equity: an approach for wider transport project assessment in Chile. Resn Transport. Econ. 59, 412422. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.retrec.2016.05.003.
FIGURE 4.10 Density per block, measured in dwellings per 1000 m2. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Observatorio de Ciudades ´ UC, (2017). Densidad de viviendas por manzana segu´n precenso 2016, area metropolitana de Santiago. IDE OCUC. ,http://ideocuc.cl/layers/geonode:dens_viv_ams_precenso_2016. (accessed 25.03.18.).
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FIGURE 4.11 Proportion of dwellings classified as residential. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, ´ 2017. Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/ sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO..
Technology For parking, very few technological innovations have been implemented in Santiago in recent years. For example, autonomous vehicles have not arrived, despite the ubiquitous presence of major brands in the Chilean market that are currently developing such technologies (Audi, BMW, Toyota, etc.). Very few car models offer some level of automatization in parking maneuvers, but presumably, these do not induce significant changes on drivers’ behavior. The biggest innovations come from websites or mobile phone applications that offer detailed information to users about the parking market. Websites, such as www.dondeestacionar.cl (literally, “where to park”) or www.estacionate.cl, offer information to drivers about parking places and prices. For an occasional trip, access to this information may influence the mode choice; however, for regular trips, this type of information is probably not used. In the case of shopping malls, information on the availability of parking spaces is usually displayed inside the parking lot and managed in real time, thus reducing the time drivers spend searching for a parking space. However, this means that this information is not available to users in advance and so cannot be considered when deciding to drive to the mall: if this information was online it would widen the choices of mall users. Payment in some private parking sites now includes a remote payment mechanism, via an electronic toll collection device called TAG. The TAG is used for fare collection in the urban highway system in Santiago, enabling free-flow circulation. The use of the TAG to pay for parking was introduced in 2012 by one of the major parking lot companies, which currently owns 10 different parking sites in Santiago and Providencia.
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FIGURE 4.12 Number of built units classified as offices. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up to Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. ´ Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/? caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO..
FIGURE 4.13 Accessibility to services (left) and industrial facilities (right), calculated as P P Acci 5 j Wj expð2 bCij Þ= i Wi . Authors, based on Niehaus, M., Galilea, P., Hurtubia, R., 2016. Accessibility and equity: an approach for wider transport project assessment in Chile. Resn Transport. Econ. 59, 412422. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2016.05.003.
The arrival of ride-sourcing applications such as Uber has been the most significant change to private transport in the city in recent years. The number of cars that serve these businesses has been claimed to now double the number of taxis in the whole country (Gutie´rrez, 2018). Authorities have tried to
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regulate these services, mainly due to pressure from powerful taxi unions, but have been unsuccessful. The general public has enthusiastically adopted these new innovative services, inducing additional vehicle-kilometers traveled in the city (Tirachini and Gomez-Lobo, 2017). The use of ride sourcing is thought to induce a lower demand for parking.
Planning policies In Chile, there are different laws and instruments that regulate urbanization, construction, and planning. Dating from 1976, the oldest is the General Law of Urbanism and Constructions (LGUC). The two most relevant today are the 2014 National Policy of Urban Development (PNDU) and the General Ordinance of Urbanism and Constructions (OGUC). The OGUC establishes some parking regulations. It requires that all buildings should comply with parking requirements described in specific planning instruments. For example, in Santiago, the Metropolitan Regulating Plan (Plan Regulador Metropolitano de Santiago, PRMS) defines minimums between one and seven parking spaces for every seven residential units depending on their size and area where they are located. (Some parts of the city, such as areas of downtown, are excluded from this regulation.) The OGUC also defines minimum parking spaces for people with disabilities and bicycles. The parking requirements of the OGCU can be replaced by a Communal Plan that is defined by a municipality: yet approximately one-third of the country’s municipalities do not have one. Moreover, to the best of our knowledge, no municipality has established parking maximums. Even in the densest municipality in Santiago, the OGCU only establishes parking minimums, not maximums. This is the case in the historic downtown, where a minimum of one parking space for every 75 m2 is required for all office buildings, which serves to enforce a high concentration of parking spaces in the densest areas of the city. A recent law defined a system of contributions to public spaces whereby building companies must compensate the community. It establishes minimum standards required to develop a project in the city, taking into account the effects of all types of constructions (not limited to the number of parking spaces). Two types of projects are considered to require compensation to the community. First, those that expand the urban footprint or impact local mobility must mitigate these effects by constructing infrastructure. On the other hand, those that increase the density of the city must either give part of their land for public use or give the equivalent value in money to finance a communal or intercommunal investment plan that deals with mobility issues. These investments, however, have not always have aimed for sustainable transportation.
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There are no experiences of transit-oriented development in Santiago, and expansion of the city limits has continued in recent years with little concern for the mobility needs of new dwellings in these areas. In 1997 a modification of the regulating plan of Santiago, the PRMS, allowed construction outside the city limits through two modalities. First, priority development urban areas, which correspond to extensions of consolidated nuclei beyond the city limits, and second, zones of conditioned urban development, which are isolated zones separated from the consolidated city nucleus. Both modalities are only allowed in the northern limit of the city. The 2003 modification to the PRMS led to the second generation of conditioned development projects, allowing residential projects in the entire metropolitan region, which includes rural areas. These projects require investments to mitigate their impact on transportation, thus requiring a strategic transportation plan is developed before construction. Finally, in the 2003 plan revision, called PRMS 100, more than 10,000 ha were incorporated into the urban limit and a new type of conditioned development zone was created. This new modification requires that each new project includes the development of a minimum number of green areas and services, among other amenities. This type of zone should fulfill transportation and mobility requirements, forcing developers to assume parts of the costs and negative externalities of the expansion of the city. Nevertheless, these developments have not invested significantly on public transportation: instead, they have become important generators of motorized trips. The PNDU includes a specific objective that explicitly states that new developments that expand the city must handle the externalities they cause. It also sets, as an objective, the rationalization of transportation costs, and suggests mechanisms such as parking maximums to reduce the demand for private vehicles. This policy, however, is a recommendation and not an obligation. In terms of mobility, Santiago has a master plan for the year 2025 that defines a series of urban investment totaling around US$22,750 million. The plan specifically mentions the need to plan public transport together with parking for cars, motorbikes, and bicycles. It proposes promoting a different set of actions, namely: 1. Locate parking spaces in low congestion or peripheral transfer stations to foster park-and-ride. This should facilitate transferring between private and public transport. 2. Increase the cost of parking. Publicly accessible parking is located mostly in zones of high travel demand that are consequently congested. Considering that people choose their transportation mode and route based on the total transportation costs they expect to experience, increasing the price of parking could internalize at least a part of the social costs associated with driving.
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3. Reduce on-street parking, since this type of parking reduces street capacity, increases congestion, and increases vehicle-kilometers traveled by drivers looking for available parking spots. This reduction of on-street parking, together with other projects such as bus-only or cycling lanes, is planned to increase street capacity. 4. Modify parking quotas through changes to the OGUC, since this instrument should establish a maximum number of parking spaces in nonresidential buildings located in saturated areas to reduce congestion. From this policy review, we conclude that—even though there are no specific transit-oriented development examples in Santiago—regulation has been modified to help coordinate investments that aim to reduce the negative aspects of densification related to an increase in the demand for parking. Furthermore, the PNDU and the Mobility Plan have publicly acknowledged negative effects of city expansion, such as an increase in the length of trips and a likely usage of cars, and the need of a revision of parking regulation. Nevertheless, there are no real tools to limit the usage of cars and the implementation of these policies has been slow, particularly in terms of parking regulations.
Conclusion The use of cars in Santiago is lower than in most cities of the developed world. With both growth in the city’s population and their income, the use of cars in this city is expected to keep rising. This reflects what has happened in previous decades, with a sharp increase in Santiago’s motorization rate. Without effective policies being implemented in the city, congestion will increase, along with greenhouse gas emissions and other negative externalities. The literature suggests that reducing parking in areas where trip destinations concentrate is an effective way of reducing car use and, therefore, congestion. Nevertheless, parking provision in Santiago is growing, even in areas that are already congested and that have good public transport services. Although the current regulation enforces a minimum of parking spaces for residential and nonresidential buildings, there is a consensus that parking maximums should also be established to stop the increase of congestion. In line with the reduction of parking, the incorporation of active and public transport to communal strategic plans can help support a more sustainable city. The current lack of integration of communal plans and public transport remains a gap to be addressed. Furthermore, the absence of a plan for integrated land use and transport precludes the creation of policies that aim to reduce the use of cars. The concentration of activities in a reduced number of zones, and in different municipalities, imposes two political challenges. First, to coordinate
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the regulation of the number and price of parking to achieve more sustainable mobility, and second, to mitigate the negative effects of car trips that could be replaced by good quality public transport. Price of parking should incorporate the effects of induced congestion and should be high enough to mitigate the negative externalities produced. New technology also raises an important concern. When autonomous vehicles reach Santiago, there will be a need for regulation, especially in peak hours for trips in congestion areas, even if there are no available parking places. This will leave planners with fewer tools to limit the use of cars and reduce congestion in the central areas of the city. Given that ridesourcing companies are currently unregulated in the country, Santiago may be a useful location to trial autonomous vehicles. This will result in even greater pressure on decision-makers to take more drastic measures to reduce car use. Santiago’s distribution of parking and activities, along with its growing use of cars, does not suggest an auspicious future for the sustainability of its mobility. Nevertheless, there is a growing consensus on parking maximums and regulation of suburban developments. Decision-makers have a growing awareness that parking maximums and pricing are useful tools to limit the use of cars. If they embrace these tools, and effectively work around political pressure, to invest in car infrastructure, then Santiago could be on the path toward a more sustainable urban development.
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SECTRA, 2015. Actualizacio´n y recoleccio´n de informacio´n del sistema de transporte urbano, IX Etapa: Encuesta Origen DestinoSantiago 2012. Report by Observatorio Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Biblioteca de SECTRA, Santiago. ,http://datos.gob.cl/datasets/ver/31616. (accessed 20.04.15.). SERNAC (Servicio Nacional del Consumidor). 2017. Ante entrada en vigencia de Ley 20.967: Ministerio de Econom´ıa y SERNAC anuncian acciones por incumplimientos a la Ley de Estacionamientos. Retrieved from ,https://www.sernac.cl/ante-entrada-en-vigencia-de-ley20-967-ministerio-de-economia-y-sernac-anuncian-acciones-por-incumpl/.. Servicio de Impuestos Internos (SII), 2017. Informacio´n b´asica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.. Tirachini, A., 2015. Opinio´n. Estacionamiento gratis en malls: Un pro y muchos contras. Retrieved from ,http://www.plataformaurbana.cl/archive/2015/03/24/opinion-estacionamiento-gratis-en-malls-un-pro-y-muchos-contras/.. Tirachini, A., Gomez-Lobo, A., 2017. Does ridesourcing increase or decrease vehicle kilometers traveled (VKT)? A simulation approach for the case of Santiago, Chile. https://doi.org/ 10.13140/RG.2.2.21752.75520. Y´an˜ez, M.F., Mansilla, P., de Ortu´zar, J., 2010. The Santiago panel: measuring the effects of implementing Transantiago. Transportation 37, 125149.
Santiago, Chile V´ıctor Rocco1, Tomas ´ Rossetti2 and Juan Carlos Mun˜oz2 1
Goplaceit, Santiago, Chile, 2Centro de Desarrollo Urbano Sustentable, Pontificia Universidad Cato´lica de Chile, Santiago, Chile
Chapter Outline Introduction: parking in Santiago Location and amount Price of parking Transport and mobility Social trends
61 62 64 65 67
Land use Technology Planning policies Conclusion References
69 71 73 75 76
Introduction: parking in Santiago Santiago is the capital of Chile and is the country’s most important city in terms of demographics and the economy. Since the 19th century, it has attracted important internal migratory flows and now has around 7 million inhabitants. Several social and economic processes have shaped it during the years: economic growth, especially since the country’s return to democracy in 1990, has improved living standards; however, other areas of development have lagged behind. For example, housing policies have shaped a very segregated city with little social mixing. This economic growth, along with several urban and transport policies, has produced a massive increase not only in the number of cars per household but also in their use. In this context, we will analyze, explain, and project the future of parking and car usage in Santiago. This section details the current state of parking in Santiago: where it is located, how much is available, and how much it costs. The first subsection shows that while public parking is relatively easy to access in most areas of the city, private parking is concentrated in high-income neighborhoods and in places where more services are located. It will also show that parking provision is growing in Santiago. The second subsection will detail general prices of parking in the city. Even though little information exists regarding prices, we show that they are probably lower than what would be optimal from a social standpoint. Parking: An International Perspective. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-815265-2.00004-2 © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Location and amount The city of Santiago has many parking spaces available and distributed among most of its roads, although an actual number is unknown. Chilean legislation allows on-street parking on any street that does not serve a main, arterial purpose. Even though municipalities have the authority to limit the on-street parking, or charge for the right to use the space, they usually avoid it. This means that most, if not all dwellings in residential areas, have easily accessible parking at their doorsteps. In addition to on-street parking spaces, private parking facilities are available in many high-demand areas. Increasingly, private parking is being provided mostly in offices and residential buildings, as well as publicly accessible parking in private parking lots or malls. Santiago is administratively divided into 34 different municipalities that have the roles of regulating services such as garbage disposal, construction, and maintenance of public spaces, as well as provision of on-street parking. Unfortunately, most municipalities have little information available on the number of on-street parking available in their jurisdictions, which can be restricted by periods, weekdays, or is permanently allocated. There is no centralized source that records this information and therefore it has to be collected at each municipality. Nevertheless, because of the high concentration of activities in Santiago, focusing in some municipalities can serve as a good proxy for the state of the city. For example, the municipality of Providencia, the location with one of the most concentrated set of services and offices in Santiago, has a total of 20,486 on-street parking spaces available (Ilustre Municipalidad de Providencia, 2018). Of these, only 14% is paid parking, the rest is free parking. Based on our experience living in the city, we believe that the proportion of charged spaces is even lower in other municipalities of Santiago. While there is scant information about on-street, the location and amount of private parking are well documented by the Chilean internal revenue service, particularly for apartments and other buildings. Fig. 4.1 displays the location of these parking facilities in the city, showing that they are mainly concentrated in the north-eastern area of Santiago. This area corresponds to the places where higher earning families tend to live and the location of most commercial activities and services. The traditional downtown area of Santiago also provides private parking in spite of its low road capacity and abundant public transport alternatives. Table 4.1 shows that these two areas of the city have the greatest amount of private parking spaces per dwelling. Other areas of Santiago have a much lower amount of parking spaces per dwelling due to three reasons. First, these areas have lower income households that have lower motorization rates. Second, on-street parking is abundant and free in these areas. Finally, there are relatively few services in those areas. All these factors contribute to a lower demand for private parking.
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FIGURE 4.1 Location of private parking spaces in Santiago by area. Left: City of Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service infor´ mation (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
TABLE 4.1 Number and change in private parking provision in Santiago between 2014 and 2017. Area
Number of private parking spaces (2017)
Change (201417, number)
Change (201417, %)
Number of private parking spaces per dwelling (2017)
Downtown
53,863
3,108
6
0.28
North
17,134
2,092
14
0.07
South
25,946
3,130
14
0.04
East
399,500
31,178
8
0.91
West
6,779
583
9
0.02
Total
503,222
40,091
9
0.25
Source: Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service information (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. Informacio´n b´asica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/ sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
Table 4.1 also shows that all areas in Santiago have experienced an increase in the number of private parking spaces, with an average increase of 9% in 3 years. The area that grew the least was the traditional downtown area, with only a 6% increase in 3 years, along with the wealthy eastern area. The northern and southern areas are the ones that proportionally
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FIGURE 4.2 Difference in the amount of private parking between 2014 and 2017. Authors, based on Internal Revenue Service information (Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. ´ Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/? caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO.).
increased their private parking provision at a quicker rate, but still lag behind the city-wide average of 0.25 parking spaces per dwelling. There are only a few blocks where there has been a reduction of private parking spaces in Santiago (see Fig. 4.2).
Price of parking Most prices of private parking places vary between 40 and 50 CLP per minute (approximately US$0.060.08). Highest prices are observed in the densest areas and in some hospitals, especially those located in high-income neighborhoods. Parking meters are not common in Santiago’s streets. Instead, municipalities usually tender the administration and collection of parking fees to private companies. These, in turn, hire fare collectors that are assigned to register the car’s plate, calculate the time spent parked, and charge users, usually in cash. This has several difficulties: if a driver misses the parking personnel and leaves without paying, they are subject to a fine. On-street parking is usually charged by blocks of time, with a fixed price for the first period of time (usually half an hour), and then charged by the minute. Charged onstreet parking is usually saturated, especially in high-demand areas, suggesting their prices are below users’ willingness to pay for parking. It is also common to see private individuals take over certain street segments and charge for parking spaces that are theoretically free. This practice is widespread not only in Santiago, but in Latin American cities in general (R´ıos et al., 2013), and is usually tolerated by municipalities. Informally rented private spaces are another source of parking in Santiago. Owners of parking spaces in well-located business and residential
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buildings that do not own cars usually rent out these on a monthly basis. These data have not been adequately systematized, but a brief overview of popular online listings shows prices in the historical central business district vary between US$150 and US$170 per month, and in Providencia, prices vary between US$135 and US$150 per month. Since November 2016, new regulations introduced major changes in the way in which private parking is priced in Chile, particularly in Santiago, and established the responsibilities of parking providers in cases of car theft or other incidents. The proposed new law originally proposed a guaranteed 2hour gratuitous period that sparked an intense public and academic debate regarding free parking in malls, supermarkets, hospitals, and other locations (see, e.g., Tirachini, 2015). The free-of-charge period was finally excluded from the approved law, and the new regulation established two modes of charging: by the minute and by time periods of no less than 10 minutes with an initial period of not less than 30 minutes. Parking services have the option to establish a period of free parking, before charging commences. This regulation seems to have increased prices in general (SERNAC, 2017).
Transport and mobility Santiago’s official mobility survey, called Encuesta Origen-Destino, is the main and official source of mobility information in Santiago. The most recent survey was conducted between July 2012 and November 2013. It collects data through questionnaires and passive sources such as transport payment card transactions. Its main results are summarized in this section. According to the recent survey, a total of 18.5 million trips are made in a regular working day in Santiago: 7.1 million are nonmotorized trips, making them the predominant mode. It is estimated that, on average, 2.78 trips are generated per inhabitant in Santiago. Higher income tends to be related to both increased and decreased motorized trips per person (see Fig. 4.3). On a regular working day, 28% of trips are in private modes and mostly by car, 29% are on public transport, and 34.5% are via walking (see Fig. 4.4). Of the total amount of transit trips, 52% are considered to use buses exclusively, 26% are considered to use a combination of buses and Metro, and 22% used only Metro. Besides the busbus and busMetro combinations, there are few intermodal trips. For example, less than 2% of car trips were combined with public transport, yet there is potential to increase this number with appropriate park-and-ride schemes. The survey showed the mode share of cars increased by 4.4% between 2001 and 2012, a likely outcome of income growth. This increase has also been propelled by the construction of more than 180 km of urban highways through private concessions since 2005. Finally, the catastrophic inauguration effects of the Transantiago system in 2007 probably prompted many public transport users to change to cars (Y´an˜ez et al., 2010).
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Parking: An International Perspective 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 Low income
Middle income Motorized
High income
Nonmotorized
FIGURE 4.3 Trips generated per person on motorized and nonmotorized modes on weekdays, divided by traveler income. Authors, based on SECTRA, 2015. Actualizacio´n y recoleccio´n de informacio´n del sistema de transporte urbano, IX Etapa: Encuesta Origen DestinoSantiago 2012. Report by Observatorio Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Biblioteca de SECTRA, Santiago. ,http://datos.gob.cl/datasets/ver/31616. (accessed 20.04.15.).
Bicycle, 4%
Others, 4%
Walking, 35% Private vehicle, 28%
Public transport, 29% FIGURE 4.4 Mode share on weekdays. Authors, based on SECTRA, 2015. Actualizacio´n y recoleccio´n de informacio´n del sistema de transporte urbano, IX Etapa: Encuesta Origen DestinoSantiago 2012. Report by Observatorio Social, Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Biblioteca de SECTRA, Santiago. ,http://datos.gob.cl/datasets/ver/31616. (accessed 20.04.15.).
Public transport in Santiago has changed dramatically in recent decades. The system currently in operation, called Transantiago, was designed to correct the flaws and improve the efficiency of the former system that was privatized and highly deregulated in the 1980s. The former system had faced several issues such as high operation costs, high accident rates, congestion, and air pollution, among other structural problems. Transantiago was a plan conceived to maintain and increase the public transport modal split by improving the quality of service and modernizing the bus fleet. (For more details on the implementation of this system, see Mun˜oz and Gschwender, 2008.)
Millions
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1200 1000 800 600 400 200 2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
FIGURE 4.5 Trips carried out on public transport. Data not corrected for fare evasion, which could increase the total number of trips. Authors, based on Directorio de Transporte Pu´blico Metropolitano (DTPM), 2018. Informe de gestio´n 2017. Retrieved from: ,http://www.dtpm.cl/ archivos/IG_2017-web.pdf..
A trunk-feeder scheme was implemented with Transantiago. Control over bus routes covering different parts of the city was tendered to private companies, which replaced individual bus owners. Moreover, fare integration was implemented across all bus services and Santiago’s subway system, the Metro, was a key part of the system. In 2007 once Transantiago was inaugurated, Metro began serving 81% more passengers than in 2006. This dramatic change was mainly driven by the system’s fare integration and trunk-feeder design. Yet, the implementation of Transantiago was considered to be disastrous by the general population. Several elements were not working at that time, such as GPS devices to audit frequencies, as well as dedicated bus lanes. The system has taken several years to overcome these initial difficulties and is still negatively rated by santiaguinos. Authorities have introduced different policies that aim to increase the quality of service of Transantiago, especially through dedicated infrastructure. Metro’s network, for example, has grown aggressively during the past years. Nevertheless, the number of trips carried out on public transit has been stagnant during the past decade (see Fig. 4.5). Despite the significant growth in the length of the Metro network, from 85 to 118 km between the years 2008 and 2017, ridership has not grown proportionally (see Fig. 4.6).
Social trends There are no indications that Santiaguinos will reduce cars use in the future. As shown in Fig. 4.7, the proportion of young adults that hold driving licenses has not decreased during the past years, suggesting there is no reason to believe the millennial generation will drive any less than their parents.
68
800
140
700
120
600
100
500 80 400 60 300 40
200
Network size (km)
Passenger affluency (millions)
Parking: An International Perspective
Affluency
20
100
0
0
Network Size
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Year
FIGURE 4.6 The total number of passengers transported by Metro in Santiago and the extension of the network. Authors, based on Directorio de Transporte Pu´blico Metropolitano (DTPM), 2018. Informe de gestio´n 2017. Retrieved from: ,http://www.dtpm.cl/archivos/IG_2017-web.pdf..
FIGURE 4.7 Proportion of nonprofessional driving licenses in Chile by age group. Instituto Nacional de Estad´ısticas (INE), 2018.
The Chilean motorization rate has not shown any sign of reducing its growth either. In only a decade, the number of vehicles per inhabitant grew by 68%, mainly due to urban policies, the construction of a highway network, and income growth (see Fig. 4.8). Even though a ride-sharing service has been recently launched in Santiago (Awto, http://www.awto.cl/), it has had limited use and impact on car ownership. In spite of the above, the use of bicycles has increased during the past years. In only 11 years its mode share doubled from 1.9% in 2001 to 4.0%
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FIGURE 4.8 Number of vehicles for every 1000 inhabitants in Chile. Instituto Nacional de Estad´ısticas (INE), 2018.
in 2012 along with significant growth in cycling infrastructure. This growth has been concentrated mainly in high-income neighborhoods, as mentioned earlier, where the number of cycling trips increased by over 700% between 2001 and 2012 (SECTRA, 2015). Authorities have continued to invest in infrastructure for this transportation mode. Three public bicycle systems have been implemented in the city during the past years, with different types of coverage and pricing plans. The effect of these shared bicycle systems on cycling mode share has not been quantified, so their impact is yet to be confirmed.
Land use Santiago is divided into 34 municipalities that administer various services such as infrastructure or education. Differing social and economic dynamics mean that most high-income households are located in a few municipalities that are concentrated in the eastern area of the city (see Fig. 4.9). The densest areas in Santiago are concentrated in an area that includes the traditional city center and extends toward the northeast (see Fig. 4.10). The rest of Santiago is mostly residential with some subcenters that concentrate commercial activity (see Fig. 4.11). Offices are mostly concentrated along the main east-west axis of the city (see Fig. 4.12). The best accessibility to services is concentrated downtown, as well as in the affluent north-eastern area due to its good access to different transportation alternatives; this area is well served with the Santiago Metro, as well as by two important urban highways. Industries and other polluting facilities are concentrated in the western area of the city, close to lower income neighborhoods (see Fig. 4.13).
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FIGURE 4.9 Proportion of the top 10% (right) and bottom 10% (left) earning households in each transport analysis zone out of total number of households living there. Authors, based on Niehaus, M., Galilea, P., Hurtubia, R., 2016. Accessibility and equity: an approach for wider transport project assessment in Chile. Resn Transport. Econ. 59, 412422. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.retrec.2016.05.003.
FIGURE 4.10 Density per block, measured in dwellings per 1000 m2. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Observatorio de Ciudades ´ UC, (2017). Densidad de viviendas por manzana segu´n precenso 2016, area metropolitana de Santiago. IDE OCUC. ,http://ideocuc.cl/layers/geonode:dens_viv_ams_precenso_2016. (accessed 25.03.18.).
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FIGURE 4.11 Proportion of dwellings classified as residential. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up of Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, ´ 2017. Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/ sismunInternet/?caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO..
Technology For parking, very few technological innovations have been implemented in Santiago in recent years. For example, autonomous vehicles have not arrived, despite the ubiquitous presence of major brands in the Chilean market that are currently developing such technologies (Audi, BMW, Toyota, etc.). Very few car models offer some level of automatization in parking maneuvers, but presumably, these do not induce significant changes on drivers’ behavior. The biggest innovations come from websites or mobile phone applications that offer detailed information to users about the parking market. Websites, such as www.dondeestacionar.cl (literally, “where to park”) or www.estacionate.cl, offer information to drivers about parking places and prices. For an occasional trip, access to this information may influence the mode choice; however, for regular trips, this type of information is probably not used. In the case of shopping malls, information on the availability of parking spaces is usually displayed inside the parking lot and managed in real time, thus reducing the time drivers spend searching for a parking space. However, this means that this information is not available to users in advance and so cannot be considered when deciding to drive to the mall: if this information was online it would widen the choices of mall users. Payment in some private parking sites now includes a remote payment mechanism, via an electronic toll collection device called TAG. The TAG is used for fare collection in the urban highway system in Santiago, enabling free-flow circulation. The use of the TAG to pay for parking was introduced in 2012 by one of the major parking lot companies, which currently owns 10 different parking sites in Santiago and Providencia.
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FIGURE 4.12 Number of built units classified as offices. Left: Santiago. Right: Close-up to Santiago’s central business district. Authors, based on Servicio de Impuestos Internos SII, 2017. ´ Informacio´n basica serie no agr´ıcola. Retrieved from: ,https://www4.sii.cl/sismunInternet/? caller 5 DETALLE_CAT_Y_ROL_COBRO..
FIGURE 4.13 Accessibility to services (left) and industrial facilities (right), calculated as P P Acci 5 j Wj expð2 bCij Þ= i Wi . Authors, based on Niehaus, M., Galilea, P., Hurtubia, R., 2016. Accessibility and equity: an approach for wider transport project assessment in Chile. Resn Transport. Econ. 59, 412422. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2016.05.003.
The arrival of ride-sourcing applications such as Uber has been the most significant change to private transport in the city in recent years. The number of cars that serve these businesses has been claimed to now double the number of taxis in the whole country (Gutie´rrez, 2018). Authorities have tried to
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regulate these services, mainly due to pressure from powerful taxi unions, but have been unsuccessful. The general public has enthusiastically adopted these new innovative services, inducing additional vehicle-kilometers traveled in the city (Tirachini and Gomez-Lobo, 2017). The use of ride sourcing is thought to induce a lower demand for parking.
Planning policies In Chile, there are different laws and instruments that regulate urbanization, construction, and planning. Dating from 1976, the oldest is the General Law of Urbanism and Constructions (LGUC). The two most relevant today are the 2014 National Policy of Urban Development (PNDU) and the General Ordinance of Urbanism and Constructions (OGUC). The OGUC establishes some parking regulations. It requires that all buildings should comply with parking requirements described in specific planning instruments. For example, in Santiago, the Metropolitan Regulating Plan (Plan Regulador Metropolitano de Santiago, PRMS) defines minimums between one and seven parking spaces for every seven residential units depending on their size and area where they are located. (Some parts of the city, such as areas of downtown, are excluded from this regulation.) The OGUC also defines minimum parking spaces for people with disabilities and bicycles. The parking requirements of the OGCU can be replaced by a Communal Plan that is defined by a municipality: yet approximately one-third of the country’s municipalities do not have one. Moreover, to the best of our knowledge, no municipality has established parking maximums. Even in the densest municipality in Santiago, the OGCU only establishes parking minimums, not maximums. This is the case in the historic downtown, where a minimum of one parking space for every 75 m2 is required for all office buildings, which serves to enforce a high concentration of parking spaces in the densest areas of the city. A recent law defined a system of contributions to public spaces whereby building companies must compensate the community. It establishes minimum standards required to develop a project in the city, taking into account the effects of all types of constructions (not limited to the number of parking spaces). Two types of projects are considered to require compensation to the community. First, those that expand the urban footprint or impact local mobility must mitigate these effects by constructing infrastructure. On the other hand, those that increase the density of the city must either give part of their land for public use or give the equivalent value in money to finance a communal or intercommunal investment plan that deals with mobility issues. These investments, however, have not always have aimed for sustainable transportation.
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There are no experiences of transit-oriented development in Santiago, and expansion of the city limits has continued in recent years with little concern for the mobility needs of new dwellings in these areas. In 1997 a modification of the regulating plan of Santiago, the PRMS, allowed construction outside the city limits through two modalities. First, priority development urban areas, which correspond to extensions of consolidated nuclei beyond the city limits, and second, zones of conditioned urban development, which are isolated zones separated from the consolidated city nucleus. Both modalities are only allowed in the northern limit of the city. The 2003 modification to the PRMS led to the second generation of conditioned development projects, allowing residential projects in the entire metropolitan region, which includes rural areas. These projects require investments to mitigate their impact on transportation, thus requiring a strategic transportation plan is developed before construction. Finally, in the 2003 plan revision, called PRMS 100, more than 10,000 ha were incorporated into the urban limit and a new type of conditioned development zone was created. This new modification requires that each new project includes the development of a minimum number of green areas and services, among other amenities. This type of zone should fulfill transportation and mobility requirements, forcing developers to assume parts of the costs and negative externalities of the expansion of the city. Nevertheless, these developments have not invested significantly on public transportation: instead, they have become important generators of motorized trips. The PNDU includes a specific objective that explicitly states that new developments that expand the city must handle the externalities they cause. It also sets, as an objective, the rationalization of transportation costs, and suggests mechanisms such as parking maximums to reduce the demand for private vehicles. This policy, however, is a recommendation and not an obligation. In terms of mobility, Santiago has a master plan for the year 2025 that defines a series of urban investment totaling around US$22,750 million. The plan specifically mentions the need to plan public transport together with parking for cars, motorbikes, and bicycles. It proposes promoting a different set of actions, namely: 1. Locate parking spaces in low congestion or peripheral transfer stations to foster park-and-ride. This should facilitate transferring between private and public transport. 2. Increase the cost of parking. Publicly accessible parking is located mostly in zones of high travel demand that are consequently congested. Considering that people choose their transportation mode and route based on the total transportation costs they expect to experience, increasing the price of parking could internalize at least a part of the social costs associated with driving.
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3. Reduce on-street parking, since this type of parking reduces street capacity, increases congestion, and increases vehicle-kilometers traveled by drivers looking for available parking spots. This reduction of on-street parking, together with other projects such as bus-only or cycling lanes, is planned to increase street capacity. 4. Modify parking quotas through changes to the OGUC, since this instrument should establish a maximum number of parking spaces in nonresidential buildings located in saturated areas to reduce congestion. From this policy review, we conclude that—even though there are no specific transit-oriented development examples in Santiago—regulation has been modified to help coordinate investments that aim to reduce the negative aspects of densification related to an increase in the demand for parking. Furthermore, the PNDU and the Mobility Plan have publicly acknowledged negative effects of city expansion, such as an increase in the length of trips and a likely usage of cars, and the need of a revision of parking regulation. Nevertheless, there are no real tools to limit the usage of cars and the implementation of these policies has been slow, particularly in terms of parking regulations.
Conclusion The use of cars in Santiago is lower than in most cities of the developed world. With both growth in the city’s population and their income, the use of cars in this city is expected to keep rising. This reflects what has happened in previous decades, with a sharp increase in Santiago’s motorization rate. Without effective policies being implemented in the city, congestion will increase, along with greenhouse gas emissions and other negative externalities. The literature suggests that reducing parking in areas where trip destinations concentrate is an effective way of reducing car use and, therefore, congestion. Nevertheless, parking provision in Santiago is growing, even in areas that are already congested and that have good public transport services. Although the current regulation enforces a minimum of parking spaces for residential and nonresidential buildings, there is a consensus that parking maximums should also be established to stop the increase of congestion. In line with the reduction of parking, the incorporation of active and public transport to communal strategic plans can help support a more sustainable city. The current lack of integration of communal plans and public transport remains a gap to be addressed. Furthermore, the absence of a plan for integrated land use and transport precludes the creation of policies that aim to reduce the use of cars. The concentration of activities in a reduced number of zones, and in different municipalities, imposes two political challenges. First, to coordinate
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the regulation of the number and price of parking to achieve more sustainable mobility, and second, to mitigate the negative effects of car trips that could be replaced by good quality public transport. Price of parking should incorporate the effects of induced congestion and should be high enough to mitigate the negative externalities produced. New technology also raises an important concern. When autonomous vehicles reach Santiago, there will be a need for regulation, especially in peak hours for trips in congestion areas, even if there are no available parking places. This will leave planners with fewer tools to limit the use of cars and reduce congestion in the central areas of the city. Given that ridesourcing companies are currently unregulated in the country, Santiago may be a useful location to trial autonomous vehicles. This will result in even greater pressure on decision-makers to take more drastic measures to reduce car use. Santiago’s distribution of parking and activities, along with its growing use of cars, does not suggest an auspicious future for the sustainability of its mobility. Nevertheless, there is a growing consensus on parking maximums and regulation of suburban developments. Decision-makers have a growing awareness that parking maximums and pricing are useful tools to limit the use of cars. If they embrace these tools, and effectively work around political pressure, to invest in car infrastructure, then Santiago could be on the path toward a more sustainable urban development.
References Directorio de Transporte Pu´blico Metropolitano (DTPM), 2018. Informe de gestio´n 2017. Retrieved from ,http://www.dtpm.cl/archivos/IG_2017-web.pdf.. Gutie´rrez, S. Uber y Cabify se acercan a los 100 mil conductores y ya duplican la plaza de taxis. El Mercurio, March 5, 2018. ,http://impresa.elmercurio.com/Pages/NewsDetail.aspx? dt 5 2018-03-05&PaginaId 5 18&bodyid 5 2.. Ilustre Municipalidad de Providencia, 2018. Response to transparency request MU228T0001388, submitted March 23, 2018. Instituto Nacional de Estad´ıstica (INE), 2018. Estad´ısticas Mensuales/Transporte. ,http://www. ine.cl/estadisticas/economicas/transporte-y-comunicaciones. (accessed April 2018). Mun˜oz, J.C., Gschwender, A., 2008. Transantiago: a tale of two cities. Res. Transport. Econ. 22 (1), 4553. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2008.05.010. Niehaus, M., Galilea, P., Hurtubia, R., 2016. Accessibility and equity: an approach for wider transport project assessment in Chile. Resn Transport. Econ. 59, 412422. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2016.05.003. Observatorio de Ciudades UC, (2017). Densidad de viviendas por manzana segu´n precenso 2016, a´ rea metropolitana de Santiago. IDE OCUC. ,http://ideocuc.cl/layers/geonode: dens_viv_ams_precenso_2016. (accessed 25.03.18.). R´ıos, R.A., Vicentini, V.L., Acevedo-Daunas, R., 2013. Gu´ıa pr´actica estacionamiento y pol´ıticas de reduccio´n de congestio´n en Ame´rica Latina. Despacio y el Instituto de Pol´ıticas para el Transporte y el Desarrollo (ITDP).
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