Transportation and energy in Santiago, Chile

Transport Policy

1994 1 (4) 233-243

Transportation and energy in Santiago, Chile Stephen Hall Director, IIEC Latin America O&e,

Carmencita 110, No 102, Las Condes, Santiago, Chile

Christopher Zegras Transport Program Associate, International Institute for Energy Conservation (IIEC), 7.50 First Street, NE, Suite 940, Washington, DC 20002, USA

Henry MalbrAn Rojas Independent Transport Consultant, Santiago, Chile

The paper presents the current passenger transportation system and urban development trends in Santiago, Chile including institutional authority, vehicle fleets, modal splits, trip behavior and emissions and energy consumption. Current responses by the city to date are discussed and measures for improving public transport, implementing travel demand management schemes, controlling sprawling land uses and reforming institutional structures are proposed. Keywords:

transportation,

energy, Santiago

Overview of the city Santiago

Santiago, Chile’s capital, is the nation’s largest city, comprising close to 35% of the national population and serving as the economic, administrative, cultural and academic hub of the country. Santiago served as a primary driver of the average 3.2% growth in GDP Chile experienced throughout most of the 1980s and into the 199Os, and as a result has been the focus of massive migration and urbanization, with almost 5 million residents now residing in an urban area of 42 000 hectares. Santiago’s Metro and Main Avenues are depicted in Figure 1. Santiago’s economic growth has brought both new prosperity and new challenges to the city. Along with bringing increased wealth to many residents, growth has also underscored the challenges of providing urban services - water, sanitation, electricity, transport - to a growing, sprawling population. The increased wealth, combined with the relatively recent return to democracy in the country, have also brought environmental issues - air pollution, solid waste management, water resources and noise pollution - to the forefront of public policy debates. Urban development

Over the last two decades especially, Santiago has experienced highly deregulated urban growth. Most of this

0967-070X/94/040233-1

1 0 1994 Butterworth-Heinemann

Ltd

growth has occurred on the urban periphery, at the expense of the conventional central business district (CBD) and more central comunas (see Figure 2). These decentralizing tendencies have pressured traditionally non-urban areas - in the last ten years, arable agricultural land in the Metropolitan Region has diminished by more than 60% due to urban outgrowth (Bertrand and Romero, 1993). The sprawling growth has maintained a relative low population density throughout the city densities in the 34 comunas range from less than one inhabitant per hectare in Lo Bamechea to almost 200 people per hectare in Lo Prado, with an overall urban area density of about 112 persons per hectare (CTU, 1990). Intercomunal Plans that have attempted to regulate growth in the city to some degree, have emphasized separation of uses, and utilize command and control regulations as opposed to incentives to guide land uses. Present land-use patterns that induce sprawl, and the decreasing intensity of those land uses, reflect patterns seen especially in North America, leading to increased dependence on lower occupancy vehicles. Authority

At the national level, strategic transport investments are made by the Commission for Transport Infrastructure Investment Planning (Comision de Planificacion de Inversiones en Infraestructura de Transporte), a political commission presided over by the Minister of Transport 233

Transportation

and energy in Santiago,

Chile: S Hall. C Zegras and H Malhrbn Rojas

Figure 1 Santiago’s Metro and principal road network

and including the Minister of Public Works, the Minister of Planning, Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Minister of Finance and representatives from other Ministries. This political commission makes its transport investment decisions based, in large part, on the technical advice provided by an Executive

Secretary (SECTRA). The Ministry of Transport is responsible for transport operations (including public transport, ports, airports), the Ministry of Public Works is in charge of the construction and maintenance of large inter-urban facilities, while the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development is in charge of most

Tmmpor-tatim

und energy in Santiago.

Chile: S Hull, C Zegras and H MalhGn

Rojas

Figure 2 Residential population changes in comunas of Santiago, 1982-1992

.YOU~CE: Bertrandand Romeo, I993

large urban transport facility construction. At the local level within the Santiago Metropolitan Region, each of the 34 comunas is a relatively autonomous government entity with a Mayor and its own departments like Public Works and Finance. The Mayors of each comuna are organized into a council of Mayors, with an acting elected president (presently Mayor Ravinet of Santiago). Each comuna funds its own local road maintenance, construction and public transport facilities (i.e. bus stops). Comunas also have direct control over local land uses. The Special Commission for the Decontamination of Metropolitan Santiago (CEDRM), a body appointed by transport

Policy

1994 Volume I Number- 4

the Chilean Congress, was originally in charge of vehicle emissions standards, inspection and maintenance programs, phasing out older vehicles, and enforcement for all vehicles in metropolitan Santiago. A bus route auctioning program initiated by the Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications, or MINTRATEL (see the section entitled ‘The bus system’ below), highlighted the need to integrate authority for system operations and emissions enforcement into a single governing body. To move in this direction, a Department of Fiscalizacion (Enforcement) was established in MINTRATEL to serve as a cohesive authority in charge of all enforcement of bus route auctioning and compli235

Transportation and energy in Santiago, Chile: S Hall, C Zegras and H Malhr-rinRojas ante, vehicle emissions standards for all vehicles, taxi regulation and service complaints. The Department of Fiscalizacion is actually considered a short-term transitional body; by 1995 officials envision the formation of an autonomous entity, a ‘Superintendencia’, to officially take over the duties of the Department of Fiscalizacion. Vehiclepeet,

trip characteristics

and modal split

The general transport trends the city is experiencing are rapidly increasing automobile use, increasing Metro (urban heavy rail) use and decreasing use of buses. Presently, there are about 622 000 vehicles in the Santiago Metropolitan Region, about 577 000 light vehicles and 45 000 heavy vehicles (Katz et al., 1993). The vehicle fleet is growing at a rate of 10% per year, most of which are private automobiles. By the year 2000 estimates show that the city’s vehicle fleet will reach about 1 million (Bertrand and Romero, 1993). Of the 8.4 million trips a day in Santiago, 16% are by auto, 48% by bus, 4% by Metro, 20% by foot and about 13% by combination or other modes (Comision de Plantificacion de Inversiones e Infrastructura de Transporte (SECTRA), 1992) (see Figure 3). About one third of all daily trips in the city (3 million) are work trips, with approximately 65% by public transport, another 19% by auto and about 8% by foot (SECTRA, 1992) (see Figure 4). By OECD standards, the vehicle fleet per capita remains relatively low - about 90 light vehicles per 1000 residents (see Figure 5), compared to the average 380 vehicles per 1000 people in Western Europe. However, in the upper class neighborhoods, including Vitacura, Providencia, Las Condes and La Reina, the vehicle motorization rates approach Western European averages, presenting an interesting example of urban travel segregation: per capita vehicle ownership in the most highly motorized comuna (Vitacura) is 33 times higher than that in the least motorized comuna (La Pintana) (SECTRA, 1992). Urban travel segregation, beyond dichotomies in vehicle ownership rates, manifests itself through differences in modal choices, trip distances and trip times. In the poorest sections of the city, typically the ‘poblaciones’ on the periphery, the majority of trips (work, shopping, health services) require long travel distances on relatively inconvenient modes (public transport or foot); in the richest sections of the city the majority of trips are shorter distances using the private automobile. SECTRA’s origindestination study of 199 1 showed that lower income groups typically spend 70% more time on a trip than upper income groups. Also, the lowest income groups in the city spend up to 30% or more of their earnings on transport. The bus system Buses, which are all diesel-powered in Santiago, are still far and away the most important form of mobility for the residents of Santiago. Residents of the city take about 4 200 000 trips per day - about 60% of total motorized urban trips on the city’s 11 500 buses. There 236

are approximately 350 bus routes in the city. The average number of daily passengers per bus in the city is 600 (Hohmann and Figueroa, 1993). Following the complete liberalization of the bus system under the Pinochet regime in 1975, nearly anyone with a vehicle could run a bus route in the city. The liberalization increased both the supply and coverage of bus services in the city, but also resulted in an oversupply of buses offering that service. In 1991, a study estimated that nearly 4000 more buses than necessary were operating in the city, consuming an extra $24.4 million per year in fuel and emitting an excess 10.4% of particulate emissions into the urban air (Correa, 1991). The poor maintenance of the total bus fleet in 1991 caused an estimated $3 1 million per year in excess fuel costs and a 77.6% increase in bus particulate emissions (Correa, 1991). In other words, large numbers of poorly maintained buses clogged the main urban arteries, resulting in slow and unreliable service and contributing a large portion of pollutants to the urban air. Despite the appearance of a ‘free market’, the lack of regulation created severe market imperfections, namely the organizing of different companies into ‘cartels’ that fixed prices and squeezed out most competition. One significant impact of this ‘cartellization’ was a sharp increase in bus fares - in one decade, fares (in real terms) increased by about 2.5 times (Escudero, 1993). Most bus routes run from one edge of the city to another, traversing the CBD; in 1991, between 80% and 85% of all bus lines crossed through the center of the city (Hohmann, 1991). The system affords no service or fare integration between different bus lines and a limited form of integration with the Metro (see the section on the Metro below). The oversupply of buses on the streets presents an interesting paradox: the service offers convenient accessibility in terms of bus stop waiting times and coverage to most areas of the city; but, the large overall number of buses (and other vehicles) on the city streets makes actual travel times long. The private car The number of private automobiles in Santiago increased from 208 000 in 1977 to 440 000 in 1991. The impact of these rapid motorization rates in the city is manifested in the increase in the number of overall urban trips done by the automobile in recent decades: in 1977, 9.8% of all daily trips were done by auto; by 1991, that number had increased to nearly 16% (SECTRA, 1992). The motorization rate continues its rapid rise; by the end of the century, the number of vehicles is expected to reach one million. The rising number of vehicles and their relatively indiscriminate use has resulted in surging levels of traffic congestion and, subsequently, worsening air pollution. At the same time, the increasing private motor vehicle fleet has put pressure on the city and national authorities to invest further public funds on road infrastructure; despite the fact that auto use is only rising in certain parts of the city, it requires adequate road infrastructure in all parts. By forcing infrastructure

Transportation and energy in Santiago, Chile: S Hall, C Zegras and H Malhrbn RojaJ

.............................. ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: .::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ....:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ............................ ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: iliiiiiiiiiiiililiiiiii::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ::: .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: .. .. .. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .,. ... ... ... ... ... . . . . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ., .. .. .. .. .. .. . . . . . . .. . . . .. . . . . . . .

Combination/Other

Pedelstrian 19.8% Figure 3 Trip distribution according to mode in Santiago 8.4 million trips per day Source: SECTRA. 1992.

investments for the privilege of the middle and upper income automobile owners, satisfying the requirements of the automobile implies a subsidy from all urban residents to those exclusive auto users. Most Chilean experts recognize that simply expanding road infrastructure (for the private auto) will not solve the urban transport problem, and will most likely aggravate the situation by inducing more automobile use and auto-dependent urban structures. The phenomenon of infrastructure inducing more demand, known as convergence, is well-documented (and demonstrated) in the developed countries (Downs, 1992). In Santiago, the dual problems of automobile congestion and air pollution have continuously increased awareness that vehicle ownership does not convey the right to indiscriminate use, especially in the face of large social costs. Automobile use and restriction have moved to the forefront of public debate, the results of which will have profound implications for the future of the city. The Metro

Soul-w Pucher, 1990 and SECTRA, 1992.

The Metro, an urban heavy rail train running primarily underground, is run by a state-owned company, Metro, S.A. The Metro system has two lines - the main line, Line 1, runs east-west, and another line, Line 2, runs north-south (see Figure 1). The system extends over a total of 27 km, with 37 stops, and different fares for peak and non-peak periods. A third line, Line 5, running from the city center to a middle class neighborhood La Florida, southeast of downtown Santiago is under construction. About 79% of Metro users are middle class. A recent survey indicated Metro riders use the system for the following reasons (in order of importance): wait time, safety, travel time, cost, comfort and overall quality (Valenzuela and Vera, 1993). Most of Metro’s passenger-trips are generated via foot to and from the stations: about 63% of station entries and 80% of station egresses are pedestrian trips (Pinto et al., 1993). The factors affecting patronage at particular Metro stations are mixes of land-uses within a given station’s ‘area of influence’, with non-residential land uses within the ‘area of influence’ being the most important determining factor of all-day trip generation. Legislation essentially prohibits the Metro from operating any mode of non-electric transport, thus limiting its ability to use intermodal transfers to generate more ridership. In 1987 Metro began a feeder bus service in conjunction with private bus companies in which bus operators could enter into a voluntary agreement. In the program, Metro sells a Metrobus pass for a reduced rate with a Metro ticket; the bus operators who have agreed to participate in the program accept the passes. Metro shares the Metrobus revenue with the operators (Rivasplata, 1991). The program has had some success in the Metro terminal stations, but limited success in the intermediary stations. The Metrobus system only accounts for about 1% of all surface public transport ridership (Rivasplata, 1991). Overall, only about 17% of total entries to the Metro come from buses (Metrobuses and regular buses) and 10% of Metro egresses transfer

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.::::::::::::::::::::::: ............*......... .......................................................................... ................................................. . ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: .................................. .................................*.. ............................... ................................... :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: .:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: . ..,.......................... .....,.......................... ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ............:::::::::::::::::::: .........*.......... .....::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ......................... .....:::::::::::::::::::::::::. .......................... ::::::::::::::::::::::::: ................................9 ............. .:::::::::::::::::::: ..................*

Combination/Other

Metro 3.3% Figure

8.0%

4 Work trip distribution

Santiago -

according

to mode in

3.05 million trips per day

:iource: SECTRA, 1992. Santiago Vs. OECD United States West Germany Canada Switzerland Sweden Italy Santiago 0

100

200

300

400

500

600

Private personal vehicles per 1000 residents Figure 5 Private automobiles per 1000 residents vs. OECD

Santiago

Transportation and energy in Santiugo, Chile: S Hall, C Zegrus to buses (Pinto et al., 1993). Metro also provides a transfer service with the National Railway, which runs a commuter train to Santiago’s southern suburbs. The Metro has had mixed effects on land uses. Observations suggest that densities along Line 1 east of the Central Business District (CBD) have increased substantially. However, because this also happens to be the ‘barrio alto’, the preferred section of town for developers at this moment, it is difficult to determine the degree to which Line 1 is responsible for these changes. Observations suggest that densities and urban development along Line 1 west of the CBD or along any of Line 2 have changed very little. Transport energy consumption Growing vehicle fleets, increasing vehicle distances traveled, and the unregulated urban expansion of the city resulted in a marked increase in transport fuel consumption over the second half of the 1980s. Between 1985 and 1990, gasoline consumption increased 37% to 961 977 m3 (approximately 7 12 kilotonnes of oil equivalent or KTOE) and diesel consumption increased 78% to 791 724 m3 (approximately 66.5 KTOE) (Sandoval, 1993) (see Figure 6). Annual per capita transport energy consumption in the city is approximately 0.30 tonnes of oil equivalent (TOE) per resident. For comparison, a study of four developing country cities in Asia showed per capita transport energy consumption ranging from 0.45 TOE in Bangkok, Thailand to 0.09 TOE per capita in Surabaya, Indonesia (Birk and Zegras, 1993). Per vehicle transport energy consumption in Santiago approaches 2.21 TOE per vehicle; again, for comparison, the Asian cities per vehicle consumptions ranged from 2.52 TOE/vehicle in Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan, to 0.48 TOE/vehicle in Surabaya (Birk and Zegras, 1993). Comparing per capita transport energy consumption with urban area density suggests a negative correlation between the two variables, when compared with the Asian cities, see Figure 7. This apparent negative correlation between urban area density and per capita transport energy consumption is consistent with similar international studies of major cities (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989). Air- pollution and health impacts In Santiago, meteorological, topographical and human activity factors contribute to some of the worst air pollution levels in South America. Transport plays a significant role in air pollution through both tailpipe emissions from vehicles and through the dust kicked up by vehicles on unpaved roads (mainly in the lowincome areas of town, or ‘poblaciones’) and paved roads. Figure 8 shows approximate annual transport emissions in the city. Of total city-wide emissions, gasoline-powered vehicles account for 78% of carbon monoxide (levels of which exceed established standards in the city center), 59% of nitrogen oxides (NOX), and 45% of the citywide emissions of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) 238

und

H MulhrGn Rojas

(Katz et ~1.. 1993). VOC and NOX combine in sunlight to form ozone which typically exceeds standards in the eastern part of the city (see Figure 9). Diesel vehicles (trucks and buses) are responsible for I 1c/oof all suspended particulate matter emitted through combustion in the city (see Figure 9). Diesel vehicles account for 20% of all respirable particulates present in the city air (standards for particulate matter less than 45 urn and 10 urn are regularly exceeded in all parts of the city). Diesels also account for about 30% of NOX and 2% of CO (see Figure 9). Dust kicked up by transport on unpaved roads accounts for more than 65% of the city’s suspended particulates. In comparison with the rest of the country, Santiago has higher rates of respiratory problems (coughing, hoarseness) among children, higher rates of upper respiratory diseases (asthma, pneumonia) among the general population, and higher mortality rates related to air pollution (Belmar, 1993). The city’s transport-related air pollution must be considered a factor in these health problems.

Responses to date The government has attempted to combat transportrelated air pollution and petroleum consumption through a number of policy measures: restricting motor vehicles on certain days of the week; phasing out older, polluting buses from the private fleets; introducing unleaded gasoline; mandating catalytic converters on all new cars in the region; and implementing enhanced inspection and maintenance requirements for buses, automobiles and taxis. Also, the government implemented a system of route auctioning of the bus lines that serve the downtown areas of the city to correct the effects of deregulation, while allowing the continued benefits of a competitive system. Urban de~~elopment During the last three years, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo or MINVU), has been working on a regulatory plan to more strictly control urban growth patterns. The plan, the Intercomunal Plan for Santiago, presents an urban growth boundary and sets the stage for future growth through densification while dedicating certain areas to parks and greenspaces. At this time, this plan is under consultation with different authorities and should be approved in late 1994.

Up until very recently, the primary policy used to address automobile-related pollution and congestion was a vehicle ban, during certain seasons, prohibiting 20% of the total vehicle fleet from operating on each workday, a rota system being based on the last digit in the license plate number. Although the scheme has proved somewhat successful in encouraging ridesharing and using public transport, it has resulted in some problems, including the purchasing of a second or even a

Transportation and energy in Santiago, Chile: S Hall, C Zegvas and H Malhrcjn Rojas

cubed meters (thousands)

1000

I

800

600

400

200

0' 1978

1980

1982

1984

Figure 6 Annual fuel consumption

1986

1988

1’

TSP

in Santiago

NOx

co

voc

Figure 8 Annual transport emissions in Santiago in tons

Source: Sandoval, 1993.

Sower: Katz et al., 1993.

Per capita transport energy consumption .r

(Tons of oil equivalent)

lJ.3

6%

I .

SOX

11%

83%

Bangkok

I

0.4

0

0.3

Santiago 11.2

4%

45%

-0

51%

voc

0.1

20

40

60

80

Urban Area Density (population

100

120

140

Figure 7 Per capita transport energy consumption area density

and urban

S~ww: Birk and Zegras, 1993; Santiago numbers derived from SECTRA, 1992 and Sandoval, 1993.

third vehicle in order to elude the restriction. Recently, the government has embarked on initiatives to improve vehicle emissions rates, setting more and more severe emissions standards for CO, VOC and smoke for all existing gasoline-powered vehicles. As of 1 September 1992, all new gasoline-powered vehicles must have catalytic converters and the emissions standards for these vehicles are similar to EPA-83. The bus system

Two years ago, the Ministry of Transport developed a comprehensive program to improve the bus system through introducing moderate regulation and real competition among the operators. To date the program has retired some of the oldest buses from the fleet (about 20% of the total bus fleet) by purchasing them from their owners. But, the most aggressive effort to reform the public bus system has been the ‘licitacion’, or route auctioning program, that grants operation rights for routes to formal companies that fulfill certain conditions -the quality of the buses and emissions, quality of service and frequency, and the cost. The initial ‘licitacion’ covered routes in the CBD and authorities plan to Tr-anspor-r Policy

1994 Volume I Number 4

CO

per hectare)

WGasoline Vehicles IDiesel

Vehicles

UOther sources Figure 9 Transport’s Santiago

relative contribution

to air pollutants

in

Sowc,e: Katz etal., 1993 and Sandoval, 1993 Note:*Does not include dust from roads which accounts for 65% of SPM

expand the area covered by the program in 1994. The preliminary impacts have been positive: modem and cleaner buses, lower fares (the real fare of ground level public transport in Santiago has decreased in the last three years), and more uniform service (all buses that have been granted rights must be painted a uniform color with uniform signage). Much remains to be done - for example, 50% of all buses still fail emissions standards. So, the government is planning additional programs for increased capacity for maintenance at workshops, a motor replacement program, and a diesel fuel improvement program (to reduce the currently high sulfur content). The new initiatives seem to have impacted bus occupancy levels: in 1990 daily ridership rates per bus ranged between 350 to 400 passengers (Correa, 1991). Today those rates have increased to about 600 passengers per bus per day (Hohmann and Figueroa, 1993). Recently the government introduced more stringent 239

Transportation

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standards restricting smoke emissions from all dieselpowered vehicles. For the buses the standards are EURO-l or EPA-91. Meeting these more severe standards allows operators to compete in the bidding process for the downtown route ‘licitacion’. The Metro The government is committed to expansion of the Metro with the construction of Line 5. Reportedly, Metro has persuaded the owners of a large shopping mall at the terminal station of the new line to contribute some money towards station construction there. It is expected that the new line will be operating in 1996, after an investment of almost US$300 million. Metro attracts a significant daily number of riders at a cost which competes favorably with surface public transport. The system operates with short headways during most of the day and is generally well utilized (especially Line 1) until closing at lo:30 pm. Main drawbacks of the present system are lack of operational/fare integration with other modes and small overall area of coverage relative to the geographical size of the city.

Recommendations

for future activities

Transport infrastructure

andfinancing

The philosophy underlying infrastructure development in Chile is privatization and the user-pays principle. The user-pays principle in transportation is viewed by many economists as the solution to transportation efficiency problems and by environmentalists and mass transit enthusiasts as a major step towards breaking the domination of automobiles in urban transportation while simultaneously cleaning up the air and reducing oil consumption. Whether done through road pricing (i.e. toll roads, electronic pricing) or urban area pricing, charging users the full costs for using infrastructure can play a key role in maintaining sound regional budgets and eliminating over-consumption of infrastructure (in the case of roads - driving too often). However, the userpays concept can promote inequities; when the ability to finance infrastructure (through charging for its use) is used as a way to determine resource allocation (such as the building of roads), resources will be allocated to those who can afford to pay for them. In Santiago, this spells potential danger, as a small portion of the population in a relatively small area of the city owns almost all the cars and has much of the wealth. If a redistributive pricing mechanism is not introduced, super-highways will sprout to the wealthier ‘barrio alto’ while the remainder of the city will continue to suffer from poor infrastructure. Nevertheless, if planners can develop the political support, some form of road pricing will be a near-term reality in Santiago, most likely beginning with an area pricing scheme for the CBD. Some comunas, especially the booming wealthy areas in the ‘barrio alto’, have been experimenting with pri240

and H Malh&

Rojas

vate sector financing of road construction to alleviate the congestion that private sector activity (i.e. housing and retail development) has created. Reportedly, the comuna Vitacura plans on making real estate development companies pay a portion of the costs for intersections, bridge and road improvements made necessary by the increasing automobile traffic resulting from the development activity. Mandating this form of private sector involvement in financing infrastructure (essentially an ‘impact fee’) is a good step towards more efficient transportation. For example, if the private sector is forced to pay the full costs, including transport impact costs, of the development, theoretically the private sector would do so in a least-cost manner, for example through non-auto dependent development, or transit/ridesharing/transport demand management (TDM) options or other less capital intensive options. Unfortunately, in the case of Vitacura, the private sector is just being asked to pay part of the cost for road widening and road network improvements to accommodate the increased peak hour traffic congestion. Authority In general, Santiago currently lacks an institution with the political power to carry out metropolitan-wide plans. There exists fractured authority between municipalities, Ministry of Transport, Ministry of Housing, Ministry of Public Works; an authority with broad-ranging power across land use, transport and urban planning lines does not exist. Without a serious revision of authoritative structure, adequately reflecting the links between land use and transport, isolated and conflicting decisions will continue to be made. Hohmann and Figueroa (1993) suggest that the most pressing need for improving the city’s transport system is institutional reform, adding coherence and strengthening authority for decisions relating to land use and transport planning. Other experts agree on the necessity of an empowered authority with broad ranging powers able to address transport and land use across the entire metropolitan region (Gackenheimer, 1993) TDM measures Explosive motor vehicle growth rates, combined with the scarcity of road infrastructure and the difficulty of internalizing the social costs of road use, has led authorities to propose a law to the Congress of the Republic which would facilitate road pricing. Essentially, by allowing charges for the real cost of road use, this law would enable the correction of natural economic distortions produced by the existing transport market. Once these imperfections are corrected, the competitive forces of the market would drive more economically and environmentally efficient outcomes. The overall principles of road and area pricing have been theoretically advocated by economists for years and demonstrated in practice in the well-known case of Singapore. Road or area pricing recognizes the scarcity of a public good (in this case road infrastructure) and attempts to correct the inefficiency of indiscriminate use Transport Poliq

1994 Volume I Number 4

Transportation

and energy in Santiago. Chile: S Hall, C Zegras and H Malhr6n Rqjas

of this scarce public good. Ideally, road pricing would display to users (especially auto drivers) the full cost of their decision to drive and send the economic signals necessary to get users to make more socially optimal choices. As a result, more efficient transportation modes and behaviors become attractive (like, for example, rldesharing and public transport) and the pressure to build new and expensive infrastructure decreases. One possible road charging project that has been studied for Santiago proposes the creation of an area pricing scheme in the CBD during the peak congestion periods (similar in theory to the original Singapore area pricing scheme). The areas and periods of pricing could be extended when the circumstances warrant it. The revenues generated would be destined both towards the maintenance of road infrastructure and the support of public transport improvements. Although road pricing has been envisioned in Santiago primarily as a tool to alleviate congestion, its implementation will have a positive effect on reducing urban transport energy consumption and emissions. In Singapore, for example, estimates show that the area pricing scheme (combined with vehicle ownership restraints and improved transit and traffic management systems) resulted in a transport energy consumption level 46% lower than it would have been without the policies, contributing to an annual saving of US$ 190 million (Ang, 1993). Similar results would greatly benefit Chile, which must import a large amount of its oil, and Santiago, with its severe air pollution problems. Land uses

The city would benefit from enacting growth management policies now, whether through linking land development with private sector provisions for road infrastructure (in which case the private sector could be convinced to invest in least-cost transport), or they enact some form of urban growth boundary to prevent the surrounding agricultural areas from being quickly consumed. As discussed above, the government has recently taken initatives in this direction. In Santiago, since work trips only account for onethird of all urban trips (see Figure 4), land-use planning must look beyond proximity between residences and jobs to effectively address transport and energy demand. Urban planning should aim to decrease the spatial separation of urban functions, with an overall goal of reducing the trip length for work and non-work needs. With such ‘mixed land-use intensity’ (density of jobs, residences, shopping and other services), necessary daily activities can occur with minimum demand for urban transport energy, especially if coordinated with cost-effective mass transport services (Replogle, 1991). As Santiago continues to decentralize away from the traditional CBD in its urban growth patterns, it is increasingly important to address the form the urban outgrowth should take and the relation of this growth to existing urban structure. Attempts should be made to create multiple center, or multinucleated, urban areas, composed of mixed uses, at relatively high densities, to ?r-anspor-t Polic,y 1994 Volumr I

Numhrr- 4

encourage walking for short trips and mass transit for longer trips. Planners and analysts suggest that such multinucleated urban structures - combining increased travel by public transport with a joint housing and labor market as well as with the established characteristics of the existing urban area - can lead to regional employment centers and commute patterns conducive to mass transit (Haines, 1986). The Swedish Association of Local Authorities recommends such a ‘multinucleated’ urban structure, with each nucleus as a self-sufficient center and clearly emphasized satellite centers as the nodes in the public transport system (Swedish Association of Local Authorities, 1990). Not only will such density patterns affect the travel mode that people choose, but they also affect people’s travel habits; people traveling to and from higher density mixed-use areas tend to spread out their trips over the entire day thereby minimizing peak traffic periods - more than people traveling to and from homogeneous employment centers or housing suburbs (Replogle, 1991). Encouraging such mixed-use patterns need not require cumbersome command and control regulations by the government. In fact, the market can be effectively combined with regulation to encourage more efficient urban form, by providing incentives to private developers to create mixed-use developments in new residential areas, at densities conducive to public transport. For example in the state of Florida in the USA, officials have developed a policy that offers prestige and expedited review to land development projects that have incorporated components of transport systems management, defined as mass transit, access management, transport demand management (TDM) and non-motorized transport (Ewing, 1993). Since the instigation of the policy, every land-development project applying in the state has included TDM or transit measures, including shuttle services, discounts for tour buses, preferential parking for tour buses, free transit passes for employees, preferential high occupancy vehicle parking for employees, and bicycle storage (Ewing, 1993). The city’s urban travel segregation - manifested in long daily trips for the poorer sectors (as discussed earlier) is not easily addressed by mixed land use planning or locating jobs closer to housing. Most of the lower income residents, located on the urban periphery, are traveling to the wealthier parts of the city for employment opportunities. The only way to really reduce the urban segregation and reduce this travel inequity is through relocation policy (low-income housing in the ‘barrio alto’ which is politically challenging from both sides) or through local neighborhood economic development policies, such as microenterprise zones (giving more employment opportunities in the low-income neighborhoods). The historical regional and national development policies, especially over the last two decades, have resulted in mass migration of rural poor to Santiago, with obvious implications for urban transport demand, as well as demand for other crucial urban services. 241

Transportation

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Influencing this migration could well affect the transport pressures on Santiago. How, though, can urban transport planning and decisions help influence larger economic and social development issues? Public trunspor-t

Since the early 1980s SECTRA and other government agencies, working together with Chile’s major universities, have been promoting the priority of public transport in transportation planning to control urban congestion and air pollution. However, to be truly competitive with the ever-increasing number of automobiles on the city’s streets, realistic attempts to maintain the public transport modal share in the city will require substantial improvements in service quality. The ideal alternative for comfort and speed would be a rail-based mode, like the existing Metro, but the high investment cost of the Metro only justifies its construction in certain high-demand corridors. Public transport investment should instead focus primarily on improving the surface public transport system, which not only requires less investment capital, but is also more appropriate for the relatively dispersed transport demand characteristics of the city. SECTRA has studied the infrastructure requirements, ranging from bus stop design to dedicated bus lanes, necessary to improve surface level public transport, but the city has yet to implement a comprehensive high quality surface transport project. Such a project might include luxury buses, frequent and reliable service, exclusive busways and convenient bus transfer stops. Initially, the system would be aimed especially at coercing automobile drivers out of private vehicles, at least for peak-period trips. If the levels of service are adequate (and a concurrent area pricing scheme is implemented), the reduced travel time and increased service reliability of the bus system would justify the fares necessary to make it profitable. Refining the design and modeling of this type of service is still necessary; however as the urban congestion worsens, the feasibility of such a project further increases. SECTRA is presently examining the possibility of developing a pilot high-quality bus project in a high income community in the city, such as Vitacura or Las Condes. Authorities also continue to study the possibility of extending trolleybus services in the city. A trolleybus is an electric powered bus that draws electricity from specially-installed overhead power lines. At present, two companies in Santiago run electric trolleybuses, essentially small pilot projects to assess the viability of the mode. The advantages of trolleybus operations include: no tailpipe emissions; little noise; relatively flexible service area coverage (compared to fixed rail electric alternatives); relatively cheap; and easier to construct than rail systems. The disadvantages of trolleybuses include: slower speeds than diesel buses; inability to reach new neighborhoods; and capacity restrictions (because these buses cannot easily pass each other). Unfortunately, these pilot projects have not successfully attracted high ridership rates, mainly because the over242

head lines do not cover enough route area to allow the trolleybuses to compete with the more extensive coverage of their diesel-powered counterparts. Trolleybuses could become important modes in some appropriate corridors of the city if exclusive rights of way for their operation were provided. Due to the unpredictability of the land-use impacts of the Metro system, the government feels it cannot justify Metro expansion or construction based on the impacts that it might have on land development. Metro can work to generate more ridership, especially on underutilized segments by expanding the Metro stations’ ‘areas of influence’. Metro could, together with the municipalities, undertake traffic calming and non-motorized transport initiatives (i.e. bike lanes on certain streets, bike parking at stations) to make walking or biking to stations more amenable and thus increase ridership. Metro could also investigate innovative methods of financing expansion of the rail transit system such as joint-development initiatives with developers, real estate owners, etc. for cost sharing (whereby the two parties share station construction expenses) or revenue sharing (whereby transit operators lease station space or charge station connection fees). Studies in the USA (of Atlanta, GA and Washington, DC) show that joint development projects involving rail transit in favorable regional markets like that of Santiago increase office rents, reduce vacancy rates and promote larger buildings (Cervero, 1992). Metro can sell the benefits of rail transit to private developers of both commercial and residential areas, alleviating Metro expansion costs and also eventually increasing revenues through higher ridership rates because of higher station area densities and two-way ridership flows. A final public transport initiative that will likely make important advances in the next few years is the integration of surface public transport with the Metro. As previously discussed, some integrated services already exist, although the full potential for integration has not yet been realized. Further system integration will face two primary barriers. First, effective integration will require some form of fare-sharing between the privately run bus companies and the publicly run Metro, both of which must cover the costs and profits of the operators. Secondly, integration will increase Metro ridership on segments of the system that are already running at capacity. Metro has introduced fare increases to address the excess service demand, so increased integration with the surface system, which would increase demand for the Metro, seems unlikely at least in the short term. In the medium term, as the Metro system adds its new line and as more efficient layout and operation of the surface system develops, a more realistic and a more cost- and time-competitive service will become more feasible.

Conclusion When considering transport efficiency improvements, the most important consideration for Chile, and most other countries, is the scarcity of public financial

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resources. Capital scarcity mandates an emphasis on proper design, modeling and evaluation of all project proposals to ensure their benefits and long-term sustainability. One poorly studied Metro line or inadequately designed bus route will not only mean economic losses but also signify a further loss of stature for public transport and a new incentive to use the automobile. Recognizing the importance of proper design and evaluthe government of Chile, together with ation, universities and private consultants, has made considerable effort in the last decade to develop the analytical tools and methodologies that allow the proper study of the urban transport system and how it is impacted by service and/or infrastructure changes. All the transportation improvement measures discussed in this paper have one clear purpose: to reduce the current tendencies of increasing automobile use and declining public transport patronage, Continued income growth and subsequent motorization pose daunting challenges to the city’s financial and environmental resources. Sustainability will require maintaining public transport as the primary travel mode in the city. By forcing auto drivers to pay the full costs of their decisions and transforming public transport into a competitive alternative for all system users (including those that do not own automobiles), the city can work towards solving its pollution and congestion problems and avoid the pitfalls many other cities of the world have experienced.

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