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Vocational Education
Vocational Education Alison Fuller, Institute of Education, University of London, London, UK Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Abstract In a period of historically high youth unemployment the availability and quality of vocational education takes on particular importance. It is seen by policy-makers and researchers as essential for supporting transitions from education to work, but concepts and purposes of vocational education vary. This article draws on international comparisons to explore the extent to which vocational programs are designed to prepare young people for broad vocational areas and citizenship or more narrowly for specific jobs. It identifies the ‘societal approach’ as a major way of helping to theorize and explain differences in, and similarities between, national vocational education systems.
Introduction Any scheme for vocational education which takes its point of departure from the industrial regime that now exists, is likely to assume and to perpetuate its divisions and weaknesses, and thus to become an instrument in accomplishing the feudal dogma of social predestination. Dewey, 2010: 214–215
While written nearly a century ago, Dewey’s concern about the concept of vocational education and its relationship to work remains highly relevant. In the context of contemporary social and economic imperatives, policy-makers and researchers are questioning the extent to which vocational education pathways should prepare young people for specific jobs; more broadly for a changing, dynamic, and global labor market; and/or for active citizenship in twenty-first century democracies (e.g., OECD, 2010; Pring, 2007). Dewey’s observation cogently highlights the persistent tensions that run through national and international debates on the purpose(s) of vocational education, who it is for, what it is, and what it is supposed to achieve and for whom. The importance of vocational education takes on added importance in light of historically high levels of youth unemployment in Europe, the US, and other parts of the world, and the known ‘scarring effect’ (e.g., Morrell et al., 1994) this has on young people. Improving education and training is clearly only part of the answer to problems that in scale and scope go far beyond this area of public policy. Nonetheless, national and supranational policy-makers are attempting to create and sustain vocational education systems that can support and facilitate youth transitions from education to work and adulthood in a period of economic hardship and intense global competition for the available jobs. One indicator of this has been the recent international revival of interest in apprenticeship, the development of national policies to support the evolution and expansion of programs, and the means of evaluating their quality (e.g., in terms of their ‘expansive’ and ‘restrictive’ features) (Fuller and Unwin, 2012). The purpose of vocational education can then be viewed on a spectrum with training for specific, narrowly defined jobs at one end and, at the other, a more general preparation designed to help young people leads productive and fulfilling adult lives
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as workers and citizens. The content of vocational provision will vary according to the underpinning aim. A range of key indicators, including the relationship between general and vocational education, assessment and certification, can be identified that offer evidence about the goal and nature of programs. For example, are participants required to pursue academic subjects such as native and foreign languages, science, mathematics, and humanities alongside their vocational studies; or is their education and training focused primarily on the specifics of the vocational area with minimal curriculum extension and enrichment? There are major differences in the concept and scope of general education within the vocational route. In the UK, it is narrowly defined as primarily English and Mathematics, and has previously been referred to as ‘core’ or ‘key’ skills model. Andy Green (1998) has provided a comprehensive critique of this approach, its assumptions, and implications. By contrast in other parts of Europe (e.g., Germany, Austria, and Switzerland), it includes a wider range of academic subjects and civic education (Clarke and Winch, 2007). There are also related questions about the settings in which learning in the vocational route takes place: Are participants primarily located in the workplace with little off-the-job or classroom provision; is it the other way round with full-time attendance in vocational school or college and little opportunity for workplace experience, or is it a structured combination of participation in both workplace and classroom? Moreover, to what extent is the program designed in terms of the teaching and learning of vocational knowledge, including the relevant underpinning scientific, technical, and social theories, or around a list of occupational competences and standards that participants need to show they have met. Issues of assessment and certification are relevant here too. The purpose and nature of the program will be reflected in how participants are assessed. This may include whether they sit formal written examinations and are examined separately on the general educational element of their program. If so, does this enable them to achieve dual certification for their academic and vocational achievements which facilitates movement between different kinds of programs, or is assessment confined to accrediting the acquisition of vocational competence and occupational expertise, for example, through observations in the workplace? Beyond this, what is the currency of the qualifications participants achieve for progression to higher
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 25
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.92091-9
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education (HE) and entry to Bachelor degrees, or for entry to the skilled labor market? In concerning itself with questions such as these, this article provides an overview of some of the key debates and theories permeating discussions about vocational education, what it consists of and how it is positioned in wider educational and employment landscapes. Vocational education and training (VET) can, of course, also be used as a route back into employment (e.g., for unemployed adults or women returning to the labor market after raising children), or to more highly skilled work and jobs for those already in employment, but the focus of this article is on initial vocational education for young people.
Why Is Vocational Education Important? There are various reasons why vocational education matters. At one level the answer is all around us. Building the infrastructure that supports modern life, curing the sick, maintaining and repairing machinery and equipment, providing hospitality and leisure services, technological innovations in telecommunications and more, are only enabled by the availability of people with occupational knowledge, skills, and expertise. The need for vocational education for instrumental reasons, then, is obvious. However, going beyond this and getting to the heart of John Dewey’s concern is a call for a holistic and humanistic concept of vocational education that recognizes the inherent and intrinsic values associated with learning for occupational expertise and practice of skilled work, for the individual and wider society (Sennett, 2008). Lorna Unwin has suggested that this broader understanding of vocational education should be reflected in all education (2009). Most debates about the importance of vocational education and, in particular, the need for its reform, do not start with such philosophical concerns. For the most part, commentators invoke two main and often conflicting discourses. Firstly, in policy terms vocational education has increasingly been associated with economic competitiveness (OECD, 2010; EU, 2002). In the Lisbon Agreement, the European Union (EU) explicitly stated its goal (by 2010) to become “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world” (Council, 2000: 3) later identifying the “crucial contribution from education and training as factors of economic growth, innovation, sustainable employability and social cohesion” (Council, 2002: 5 both cited in Ertl, 2006). The argument underpinning this and other ‘competitiveness’ policies is based on the assumption that improving the quality of VET has a positive effect on competitive advantage through generating greater productivity and facilitating innovation. Studies by Sig Prais and colleagues in the 1980s compared the productivity of matched plants in Germany and the UK, concluding that the better performance of German firms could be explained at least in part by the superior vocational preparation of their workers (e.g., Prais et al., 1989). Subsequently, this idea has been developed to suggest that the availability of a skilled workforce allows more productive forms of work organization where employees have more discretion and involvement in the decision making, and the development of higher value-added products and services (Finlay et al., 1998, see also Keep et al., 2006 for a critique of these assumptions). It
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follows that countries with highly developed and effective VET systems are likely to be more successful in the global economic competition, Germany is probably the country most often given as an example here. Secondly, vocational education is viewed as a pathway to stable employment for school-leavers who do not progress to HE. In other words, it can be conceived as a ‘transition system’ for part of the cohort (Raffe, 2008). In some countries the vocational route is also seen as a vehicle for reengaging disaffected young people and social inclusion (Preston and Green, 2008; EU, 2010). The existence of academic and vocational educational pathways raises the issue of comparative status between the two routes. The dualistic nature of much of the discourse around vocational education (Clarke and Winch, 2007; Pring, 2007; Young, 2004) represented by the academic–vocational, theory–practice, mental–manual, education-training binaries is unhelpful. A point also picked up by the American philosopher Richard Sennett in his recent book The Craftsman:
History has drawn fault lines dividing practice and theory; technique and expression; craftsman and artist; maker and user; modern society suffers from this historical inheritance. But the past life of craft and craftsmen also suggests ways of using tools, organizing bodily movements, thinking about materials that remain alternative, viable proposals about how to conduct life with skills. Sennett, 2008: 11
Linda Clarke and Christopher Winch highlight how language provides a window on the contrasting values and meanings attributed to vocational education. For example, the German language has three terms that signify three different conceptions of the English word ‘training’ “first, in the sense of to train an animal . [where German] uses the verb abrichten ., second, to train someone to carry out a specific job or activity . anlernen; and, finally, the sense of education for an occupation like medicine or carpentry, where German uses ausbilden” (2007: 7). The language point is significant because it highlights cultural distinctions in the way VET is conceptualized and understood, and suggests that transferring the characteristics of vocational education from one country to another is far from straightforward. Different ways of conceptualizing and characterizing approaches to vocational education and their consequences for convergence and divergence between systems will be discussed in the next section.
Why Do Different Models of Vocational Education Exist in Different Countries? There are various ways of organizing and providing vocational education. This can be seen in the diverse models of vocational education that exist in different countries. Given the national and international policy interest in the link between VET and economic competitiveness, researchers have examined the characteristics of systems and ways of grouping countries with similar institutional arrangements. In the main, international comparative research over the past 25 or so years has drawn on original empirical and theoretical work undertaken by French
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scholars Maurice et al. (1986) who developed the ‘societal approach.’
The societal approach emphasises the holistic interrelationships among different social and economic institutions, including education and training, the labour market and industrial relations systems, the production system, family structures and cultures, and so on. Raffe, 2008: 278
Maurice et al. (1986) analyzed the relationship between education, the labor market, and other civic and social institutions in Germany and France. They identified that the nature of this societal relationship was distinctive in each country. Given strong evidence from the cross-national research literature, including some of the most extensive studies of country differences in the logics that underpin their vocational education systems (e.g., Hannan et al., 1997; OECD, 2010), it is not surprising that the extent to which countries converge or diverge has been a key area of debate (Müller and Shavit, 1998; Raffe, 2008). A number of country typologies deriving in the main from the comparison of national data sets and cross-national surveys have been developed, drawing on dimensions and concepts that help classify countries into types. A review of the comparative literature suggests that three of these are particularly important and tend to be interrelated, ‘logics and linkages,’ ‘standardization,’ and ‘stratification.’ Firstly, as Ianelli and Raffe (2007) suggest the strength of the links between vocational education and the labor market varies from country to country depending on their industrial histories, civic and democratic culture, and the associated institutions and arrangements that have grown up in the relevant country context. They suggest that countries where the linkages between vocational education and employment are weak (e.g., Sweden) operate in line with an education logic, whereas those where linkages are strong can be viewed as having an employment logic. The nature of the labor market and particularly how it is regulated is a relevant factor here. The employment logic is strong in countries (e.g., Denmark and Germany) where entry to skilled occupations is regulated and restricted to those who have completed an agreed (according to existing institutional arrangements) vocational program (usually in the form of an apprenticeship) and achieved the required qualifications. It is less strong in countries such as the UK and the US which traditionally have been viewed as having more flexible and open labor markets, with access to occupations being less heavily regulated. Secondly, the concept of standardization refers to the content of vocational curricula and the processes by which they are followed and assessed. The extent to which a vocational pathway is standardized in terms of the curriculum, assessment regime, and qualification(s) has an impact on how well employers understand and recognize the learning and achievements of those who have successfully completed it. Standardization makes it easier for employers to recognize the currency, and to trust the use value of the qualifications (extent to which they can be taken as a reliable proxy for the knowledge and competence award holders) achieved by participants. Allmendinger (1989) identified the importance
of standardization, suggesting that young people experience much more straightforward transitions into work in systems with uniform standards. Given the role of standardization in supporting education – work transitions, it follows that countries whose approach to vocational education is characterized by employment logic are also likely to have standardized provision. Thirdly, stratification refers to the proportion of young people staying in school for as long as the system allows (Allmendinger, 1989). Put another way, if a country’s compulsory education system requires students to remain in school until the age of 16 but a further 2 or 3 years of upper secondary schooling are available, then what proportion of the cohort are able or choose to stay on? The more highly stratified the system, the smaller the participation rate in the final postcompulsory years of school and the higher the participation rate in other pathways, for example, apprenticeship. A further consequence of a highly stratified system is the smaller proportion of young people progressing to university. Hence countries with mass participation in HE such as Korea, Japan, and Canada tend to have smaller and weaker apprenticeship systems than countries with lower rates of participation in university such as Germany. The OECD Education at a Glance (2012) figures show that approximately 65% of Koreans aged 25–34 years have attained a higher level qualification compared with 25% of Germans in the same age group. The identification of country typologies suggests that there is a relationship between logics and linkages, standardization and stratification. For example, Kerckhoff (2000) has proposed two ‘types.’ Type 1 societies (e.g., Germany) can be distinguished by their strong standardization, stratification, and linkages between vocational education and the labor market. In contrast, Type 2 societies (e.g., USA) have been characterized by nonstandardized programs, less stratification, and looser linkages between vocational education and employment. Some countries such as the UK and France are harder to classify and so have been viewed as falling between the two types. This suggests that the dimensions could be usefully perceived as continua, rather than either/or categories. Other typologies have focused primarily on patterns of participation. For example, Andy Green et al. (1999) identify national apprenticeship systems as high, low, or medium participation. A key factor in the distinctiveness of a country’s approach to and organization of vocational education is the role the state plays in the configuration of institutional and societal relationships that underpin its vocational education system. Understanding the role of the state in creating and supporting education – work pathways and transitions shed light on the strength of its interest and involvement in this area of policy (Green, 1990). Drawing on ideas from political economy, David Ashton (2004: 21) argues that in addition to the societal approach (outlined above) VET policy “is also conditioned by the state structures and the ability of the state to administer a central policy initiative.” From this starting point he develops a typology of national systems that includes three models. Firstly, the ‘free market’ model (including the US, the UK, and Canada) is based on a long tradition of the state’s ‘laissez-faire,’ voluntaristic approach to intervention in the relationship between capital and labor. In this model, the role of the state is to provide a legal framework that supports the workings of
Vocational Education market forces and underpins the ‘dominance of capital over labor’ (Ashton, 2004: 23). It follows that the main contribution of the state, here, has been to create and maintain an education system that provides citizens with basic general education and orientation to work. Thereafter the responsibility for building on this foundation lies with individuals and employers. VET provision can be bought from providers or supplied directly by companies, for example, in the form of on-the-job training. Secondly and by contrast, in the ‘corporatist’ model (including Denmark and Germany), the state intervenes in the capital – labor relationship, thereby, producing a social partnership approach (also involving the Trades Unions) to achieving initial industrialization and later economic development. This model is underpinned by shared support for and involvement in the education and training system.
The achievement of a consensus with the social partners means that this model creates a more institutionally dense environment for training, usually focused on the apprenticeship system. Ashton, 2004: 24
Thirdly, the ‘developmental state’ model (including South East Asian economies such as South Korea and Singapore) reflects an approach where, starting from a low industrial and educational base, the state has taken the leading role (since World War II) in promoting industrialization, and in shaping industrial relations and the education and training system. In drawing attention to the different roles played by the state in the three models, Ashton is able to make further important points about the relationship between national VET systems, work, and employment. Leaving vocational education primarily to employers (free market model) means that provision is more likely to be narrow and task specific to meet the needs of particular organizations (i.e., nonstandardized). Where, as in the corporatist model, the consensus approach produces highly skilled workers (via standardized occupational apprenticeships), the challenge is how to adapt the system to meet new needs flowing from rapid technological innovation. In the case of the developmental state model, where the state plays a highly active not-to-say dominant role, it can push employers ‘to adopt new methods of production’ and individuals ‘to learn the appropriate skills’ (p. 34). In the context of an increasingly competitive global economy, then, it is apparently not enough for countries to create and sustain vocational education systems. In addition, the character of jobs created, linked to the mode of production and competitiveness strategies adopted by countries, sectors, and companies can act as a pull factor shaping what is required from the vocational education supply pipeline. The discussion so far has suggested that there is a relationship between the purpose and nature of the vocational education pathway and employment and occupational opportunities. In other words, insights about the nature of the labor market, the kinds of jobs available, their status and grade, the way skills are constructed and rewarded, can be gained from studying the vocational education system and vice versa. Put more strongly, I would suggest that there may actually be a wash-back effect on the status, purpose, and nature of vocational education from the distribution of good quality (secure,
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well-paid, full-time permanent, respected status) jobs in national and sectoral labor markets. This raises the question of what kinds of jobs nation-states are preparing their young people for. Lorna Unwin has observed that in the UK politicians and policy-makers make denigrating assumptions about low-grade jobs being performed by individuals who are deficient in knowledge and skills. She criticizes this analysis and the policy ‘solution’ (which it can be noted is consistent with Ashton’s free market model as the state stops short of proactively intervening with employers): . at the same time as being dismissive of many occupations, policymakers have become fixated on the individual as the source of the problem, and, hence, millions of pounds are being poured into the acquisition of qualifications without any parallel initiatives to improve job quality. Unwin, 2009: 2
It follows that enterprises that organize work and production in ways that foster the creation of jobs designed to foster employee discretion, involvement, and contribution are more likely (1) to feed into and support the development of a high-quality initial vocational education system from which to select well-educated and able staff, and (2) to create workplace learning environments capable of fully utilizing and further developing their skills (Fuller and Unwin, 2004; Felstead et al., 2009).
Characteristics of Vocational Education Pathways and Some Implications In broad-brush terms, vocational pathways can be viewed as school-based, where students follow full-time programs of study linked to a broad vocational area such as business, economics, and commerce in a formal educational institution; apprenticeship, where apprentices are placed (and usually employed) in a company where they receive on-the-job training (usually) coupled with regular off-the-job training (such as day release in college); or mixed, where the vocational system includes both apprenticeship and school-based modes of participation. David Raffe (2008: 285) suggests that pathways can be analyzed along four dimensions: l
Size of vocational pathway in comparison with general education – the proportion of the cohort pursuing each route l Nature of vocational pathway – particularly extent to which it is school-based, work-based, or a mixture of the two l Occupational specificity – the degree to which the program is narrowly job specific or more broadly focused on a vocational area l Relationship between general and vocational pathways – the degree of commonality between the modes of participation, pedagogy, assessment, and certification associated with each, and the ease of movement between them. These four are key dimensions for illuminating the general character of the pathway but it is also worth identifying some other issues. In addition to the size of the vocational pathway, the main setting in which it is followed, the degree of
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occupational specificity and the extent to which there is standardization and permeability between general and vocational pathways, it is important for social justice reasons to ask who is participating in what pathways: How evenly are young people with different social class, race, and gender characteristics represented across the system? Linda Clarke (2007: 63) discusses the role of vocational education in reproducing rather than challenging social inequalities. She argues that the institutional arrangements (discussed earlier in terms of the societal approach) that underpin the shape and structure of VET also reflect historically entrenched ‘class and gender relations.’ Stereotypical patterns of participation by females and males in vocational courses and apprenticeships continue to persist (Lakes and Carter, 2004) with young women being strongly overrepresented in fields such as hairdressing and child care and underrepresented in engineering and construction, sectors that are dominated by young men. Historically, the ability of institutional gatekeepers (e.g., the guilds, professional bodies) to oversee or even restrict entry (numbers and characteristics) into apprenticeships and occupations can have the effect of maintaining wage levels and job status: It [vocational education] is about entry into the labour market; about dividing up the potential labour force into different occupations and skills, each with a distinct quality. And it is about class and gender divisions, acting as a filter to include or exclude particular groups from particular occupations or industries and from acquiring a particular status in society. Clarke, 2007: 62
The classed nature of who participates in what pathway has been illuminated in highly insightful research by Shavit and Müller (2000). They drew attention to the ‘diversion effects’ of vocational education systems where most young people do not participate in HE and where, in a strongly stratified system (such as in Germany), it is hard to move between tracks. Their findings indicated that those from lower socioeconomic groups were more likely to be found in the apprenticeship pathway than their more socially advantaged peers. On the other hand, the more regulated nature of the labor market and the involvement of the social partners in designing and supporting apprenticeship meant that it usually provided a strong ‘safety net’ for participants (male and female) and vehicle for supporting their transitions to skilled jobs and permanent employment. There are few signs that the renewed international interest in expanding the apprenticeship route is, as yet, challenging gendered patterns of participation, although during the 2000s there have been some useful vocational education initiatives sponsored by the EU that have produced some positive outcomes (Fuller and Unwin, in press). In addition to examining the characteristics of the population participating in vocational pathways, it is important to focus on content and in particular the approach taken to vocational knowledge (Winch, 2010; Bathmaker, 2013). In the UK this has been a strongly contested issue, as researchers and academics have critiqued the marginalization of knowledge in the outcomes-based design of National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs), which have dominated the VET
system since the early 1980s (for a critique of NVQs see Grugulis, 2003). Michael Young (2004) has identified and discussed distinctions between three approaches to knowledge and the vocational curriculum which he has related to different periods in the development of vocational education in the UK since the late nineteenth century. These also serve as useful lenses for analyzing the approach to knowledge in vocational education more widely, including in other countries. Firstly, the ‘knowledge-based’ approach arose from the perceived need for apprentices in engineering and science-based industries to be taught relevant scientific subject knowledge. It “assumed that the natural sciences were important for their specific content and as a model of reliable, objective knowledge” (Young, 2004: 187). This model was later extended to other vocational areas such as business studies which were taught in further education colleges (the main institutions providing vocational education in the UK). Secondly, the ‘standards-based’ approach introduced in the 1980s arose from policy-makers’ criticism of the knowledgebased model which they felt had become too academic and removed from what employers required. The new approach used functional analysis to develop occupational standards in line with employers’ requirements. Individuals were deemed to be competent (through an accreditation process in the workplace) if they could perform tasks to the specified standards. The principal weakness Young (2004: 191) identified with the first model is that it “failed to consider how this new [scientific subject] knowledge could be recontextualised in the workplace.” He went on to argue that the second model “neglected the extent to which only some of the knowledge relevant to particular occupations has its origins in workplaces,” and therefore provides an emasculated approach to vocational knowledge. In response, Young identified a third model ‘the connective approach’ which aimed to overcome these limitations by combining theory and practice, and on and off the job learning. Michael Young and others (e.g., David Guile, 2010; Young, 2008; Winch, 2010) have gone on to develop ideas about the nature of vocational knowledge and expertise and how it needs to be reconceived, positioned, taught, and learned in the context of contemporary vocational and professional education and the dynamics of changing patterns or work organization and production. Recent studies of the content and inclusion of vocational knowledge in full-time vocational courses and apprenticeship frameworks in England (Brockmann et al., 2010; Fuller and Unwin, 2011a,b; Bathmaker, 2013) have found continuing shortcomings inviting negative comparisons with the quality of vocational education in other countries. It is also important to consider the value and worth of qualifications attained by participants in vocational education pathways. To what extent do they provide a strong platform for career and educational progression, and to what extent do they articulate and so support horizontal bridging to general educational pathways and vertical ladders to HE? To explore this, I draw on a recent EU Leonardo funded project on ‘hybrid qualifications’ (HQ) in England, Denmark, Germany, and Austria (Deissinger et al., in press). The
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study explores the ability of qualifications positioned as providing both general educational and vocational currency to lead either to employment in the skilled labor market or to a place in HE. The focus of the research reflects the EU policy aims of improving the permeability and progression opportunities within and between national vocational education systems. In England, Germany, and Denmark there was no well understood or established hybrid pathway that catered for a clear population of young people of upper secondary age. In Germany and Denmark the stratification of the school system into different academic (gymnasium) and vocational institutions (vocational schools and dual system apprenticeship) and tracks led to limited opportunities for movement between them. Moreover, the qualifications attained by young people in each track are not portable such that those who achieve the academic diploma are not qualified to enter the skilled employment in the regulated occupational part of the labor market, and those who successfully complete their apprenticeships do not accrue the qualification currency to access HE. There are experiments underway in both countries to try and develop HQ routes but, in the main, opportunities for vertical progression (either to the labor market or HE) rely on individuals gaining qualifications from both pathways (double qualifications) (Deissinger and Wern, 2011; Jørgensen and Lindvig, 2011). In England the system is less stratified and standardized but the linkages to the labor market are looser (Davey and Fuller, 2011). Young people populating the middle or hybrid space can progress to HE if they attain a combination of academic and vocational qualifications through full-time study but there is no automatic labor market recognition of these attainments. Alternatively, those following the apprenticeship route are in employment, although the variable quality of programs (and limited labor market and occupational regulation) means that the strength of apprenticeship as a platform for career progression is uneven. The difficulty for apprentices is progression to HE because the currency of the qualifications available in their frameworks is usually insufficient for entry to Bachelor degrees, even those in subject areas that are cognate with the apprenticeship. In Austria, by contrast with the other three countries, there is a well-understood and established hybrid route within a system that is characterized by stratification and standardization. The hybrid option sits between the country’s solely academic pathway followed by approximately 20% of the cohort through the attendance at the gymnasium and its dual system (vocational school and work-based) apprenticeship route followed by approximately 40% of the cohort. Young people (approximately a third of the cohort) participate in the hybrid route where they attend specialist educational institutions known as vocational colleges. The distinctive feature of the vocational college provision is that it leads to a certificate of secondary education (the same Reifeprufung examination as their gymnasium peers) and a VET diploma supplemented with additional specific labor market qualifications. College graduates with these achievements possess the recognized entry qualifications to
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access the full range of university courses in as well as skilled employment (Aff et al., 2011).
Conclusions The article began by contrasting a far-reaching, holistic conception of vocational education with a narrow occupationally specific alternative, indicating the range of purposes it may be required to fulfill and the unhelpful persistence of the academic–vocational divide. The ensuing analysis of national vocational education systems has indicated some of the important dimensions along which they can be differentiated and some of the implications for social justice and inclusion, as well as for educational and career progression. The brief discussion of the HQ study illustrated the uneven value and portability of qualifications, and the scale of the challenge involved in fulfilling the increasingly popular (national governments, EU, OECD) aim of increasing permeability between pathways and progression opportunities from vocational education to HE and skilled employment. Case study comparative research is important here as it provides an effective way of identifying and explaining the diverse characteristics of vocational education systems. Evidence can be generated that shows, on the one hand, how approaches to vocational education reflect deep-seated historical, cultural, economic, and institutional differences between societies and, on the other, how external pressures and economic forces (e.g., related to the negative economic effects of the banking crisis, changing industrial structure and patterns of international labor mobility, and technological innovation) provide a transformed context with which all industrialized countries are grappling. Young people are particularly vulnerable to unemployment and to experiencing barriers to their successful transition to fulfilled adult lives and citizenship. The extant literature suggests that the availability of good quality vocational education can facilitate transitions, but contextual factors mean that what counts as effective, for whom, and in whose interests, is likely to continue to differ.
See also: Communities of Practice; Education and Economic Growth; Education and Employment; Education: Skills Training; Equity and Education; Youth Joblessness.
Bibliography Allmendinger, J., 1989. Educational systems and labour market outcomes. European Sociological Review 5 (3), 231–250. Aff, J., Paschinger, E., Rechberger, J., 2011. Illustration, Analysis and Reflection of the Vocational Education on Secondary Level II. Country Report, Austria. Available to download at: http://hq-lll.eu/. Ashton, D., 2004. The political economy of workplace learning. In: Rainbird, H., Fuller, A., Munro, A. (Eds.), Workplace Learning in Context. Routledge, London, pp. 21–37. Bathmaker, A.-M., 2013. Defining ‘knowledge’ in vocational education qualifications in England: an analysis of key stakeholders and their constructions of knowledge, purposes and content. Journal of Vocational Education & Training 65 (1), 87–107.
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Brockmann, Michaela, Clarke, Linda, Winch, Christopher, 2010. The apprenticeship framework in England: a new beginning or a continuing sham? Journal of Education and Work 23 (2), 111–127. Clarke, L., 2007. The emergence and reinforcement of class and gender divisions in vocational education in England. In: Clarke, L., Winch, C. (Eds.), Vocational Education: International Approaches, Developments and Systems. Routledge, London, pp. 62–76. Clarke, L., Winch, C. (Eds.), 2007. Vocational Education: International Approaches, Developments and Systems. Routledge, London. Council, 2000. Presidency Conclusions, Lisbon European Council (23 and 24 March 2000). Available online at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/summits/lis1_en.htm (accessed 24.10.14.). Council, 2002. Detailed Work Programme on the Follow-up of the Objectives of the Education and Training Systems in Europe (14 February 2002). Available online at: http://www.aic.lv/ace/ace_disk/Bologna/contrib/EU/ workprog.pdf (accessed 24.10.14.). Davey, G., Fuller, A., 2011. Best of Both Worlds or Falling between Two Stools, Country Report 2, England, Hybrid Qualifications Increasing the Value of Vocational Education and Training in the Context of Lifelong Learning. Available to download at: http://www.adam-europe.eu/prj/5213/prj/L%C3%A4nderbericht_2_England. pdf (accessed 24.10.14.). Deissinger, T., Wern, R., 2011. Germany Country Report 2, Hybrid Qualifications Increasing the Value of Vocational Education and Training in the Context of Lifelong Learning. Available to download at: http://.hq-lll.eu. Deissinger, T., Aff, J., Fuller, A., Jorgensen, C.H. (Eds.). Hybrid Qualifications – Structural and Political Issues in the Context of European VET Policy, XXX: Peter Lang. Dewey, J., 2010. Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education. Indo-European Publishing, Los Angeles. Ertl, R., 2006. European Union policies in education and training: the, Lisbon agenda as a turning point? Comparative Education 42 (1), 5–27. EU, 2010. Education and Training for Social Inclusion: European Success Stories. Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg. Felstead, A., Fuller, A., Jewson, N., Unwin, L., 2009. Improving Working as Learning. Routledge, London. Finlay, I., Niven, S., Young, S. (Eds.), 1998. Changing Vocational Education and Training: An International Comparative Perspective. Routledge, London. Fuller, A., Unwin, L., 2004. Expansive learning environments: integrating organizational and personal development. In: Rainbird, H., Fuller, A., Munro, A. (Eds.), Workplace Learning in Context. Routledge, London, pp. 126–144. Fuller, A., Unwin, L., 2011a. The content of apprenticeships. In: Dolphin, T., Lanning, T. (Eds.), Rethinking Apprenticeships. Institute for Public Policy Research, London, GB, pp. 29–39. Fuller, A., Unwin, L., 2011b. Vocational education and training in the spotlight: back to the future for the UK’s coalition government? London Review of Education 9 (2), 191–204. Fuller, A., Unwin, L. (Eds.), 2012. Contemporary Apprenticeship: International Perspectives on an Evolving Model of Learning. Routledge, London. Fuller, A., Unwin, L. The challenges facing young women in apprenticeships. In: Schoon, I., Eccles (Eds.), Gender, Aspirations and Attainment across the Lifecourse. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, in press. Green, A., 1998. Core skills, key skills and general culture: in search of the common foundation in vocational education. Evaluation and Research in Education 12 (1), 23–44. Green, A., 1990. Education and State Formation: The Rise of Education Systems in England, France and the USA. Palgrave MacMillan, Basingstoke. Green, A., Wolf, A., Leney, T., 1999. Convergence and Divergence in European Education and Training Systems. Institute of Education, London.
Grugulis, I., 2003. The contribution of national vocational qualifications to the growth of skills in the UK. British Journal of Industrial Relations 41 (3), 457–475. Guile, D., 2010. The Learning Challenge of the Knowledge Economy. Sense Publishers, Rotterdam, Netherlands. Hannan, D., Raffe, D., Smyth, E., 1997. Cross-national research on school to work transition: an analytical framework. In: Werquin, P., Breen, R., Planas, J. (Eds.), Youth Transitions in Europe: Theories and Evidence (Documents Séminaires No. 120). CEREQ, Marseille, pp. 409–442. Ianelli, C., Raffe, D., 2007. Vocational upper-secondary education and the transition from school. European Sociological Review 23 (1), 49–63. Jørgensen, C., Lindvig, K., 2011. Views and Experiences of Stakeholders in Relation to Hybrid Qualifications, Country Report, Denmark, Hybrid Qualifications Increasing the Value of Vocational Education and Training in the Context of Lifelong Learning. Available to download at: http://.hq-lll.eu. Keep, E., Mayhew, K., Payne, J., 2006. From skills revolution to productivity miracle – not as easy as it sounds? Oxford Review of Economic Policy 20 (2), 539–559. Kerckhoff, A., 2000. Transition from school to work in comparative perspective. In: Hallinan, M. (Ed.), Handbook of the Sociology of Education. Kluwer, New York, pp. 453–474. Lakes, R.D., Carter, P.A. (Eds.), 2004. Globalizing Education for Work: Comparative Perspectives on Gender and the New Economy. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ. Maurice, M., Sellier, F., Silvestre, J.-J., 1986. The Social Foundations of Industrial Power: A Comparison of France and Germany. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Morrell, S., Taylor, R., Quine, S., Kerr, C., Western, J., 1994. A cohort study of unemployment as a cause of psychological disturbance in Australian youth. Social Science & Medicine 38 (11), 1553–1564. Müller, W., Shavit, Y., 1998. The institutional embeddedness of the stratification process. In: Shavit, Y., Müller, W. (Eds.), From School to Work. Clarendon Press, Oxford, pp. 1–48. OECD, 2010. Learning for Jobs: Summary and Policy Messages. http://www.oecd.org/ edu/skills-beyond-school/46972427.pdf (accessed 10.04.13.). OECD, 2012. Education at a Glance 2012: Highlights. OECD Publishing. http://dx.doi. org/10.1787/eag_highlights-2012-en. Prais, S., Jarvis, V., Wagner, K., November 1989. Productivity and vocational skills in services in Britain and Germany: hotels. National Institute Economic Review 130, 52–74. Preston, J., Green, A., 2008. The role of vocational education and training in enhancing social inclusion and cohesion. In: Cedefop (Ed.), Modernising Vocational Education and Training: Fourth Report on Vocational Education and Training Research in Europe. Cedefop Reference series (69-I). Office for Official Publications of European Communities, Luxembourg, pp. 121–194. Pring, R., 2007. 14-19 and lifelong learning: distinguishing between academic and vocational learning. In: Clarke, L., Winch, C. (Eds.), Vocational Education: International Approaches, Developments and Systems. Routledge, London, pp. 118–132. Raffe, D., 2008. The concept of transition system. Journal of Education and Work 21 (4), 277–296. Shavit, Y., Müller, W., 2000. Vocational secondary education. European Societies 2 (1), 29–50. Sennett, R., 2008. The Craftsman. Allen Lane, London. Unwin, L., 2009. Sensuality, Sustainability and Social Justice: Vocational Education in Changing Times, Professorial Inaugural Lecture. Institute of Education, London. Winch, C., 2010. Dimensions of Expertise. Continuum, London. Young, M.F.D., 2004. Conceptualizing vocational knowledge: some theoretical considerations. In: Rainbird, H., Fuller, A., Munro, A. (Eds.), Workplace Learning in Context. Routledge, London. Young, M.F.D., 2008. Bringing Knowledge Back in. Routledge, London.
Abstract In a period of historically high youth unemployment the availability and quality of vocational education takes on particular importance. It is seen by policy-makers and researchers as essential for supporting transitions from education to work, but concepts and purposes of vocational education vary. This article draws on international comparisons to explore the extent to which vocational programs are designed to prepare young people for broad vocational areas and citizenship or more narrowly for specific jobs. It identifies the ‘societal approach’ as a major way of helping to theorize and explain differences in, and similarities between, national vocational education systems.
Introduction Any scheme for vocational education which takes its point of departure from the industrial regime that now exists, is likely to assume and to perpetuate its divisions and weaknesses, and thus to become an instrument in accomplishing the feudal dogma of social predestination. Dewey, 2010: 214–215
While written nearly a century ago, Dewey’s concern about the concept of vocational education and its relationship to work remains highly relevant. In the context of contemporary social and economic imperatives, policy-makers and researchers are questioning the extent to which vocational education pathways should prepare young people for specific jobs; more broadly for a changing, dynamic, and global labor market; and/or for active citizenship in twenty-first century democracies (e.g., OECD, 2010; Pring, 2007). Dewey’s observation cogently highlights the persistent tensions that run through national and international debates on the purpose(s) of vocational education, who it is for, what it is, and what it is supposed to achieve and for whom. The importance of vocational education takes on added importance in light of historically high levels of youth unemployment in Europe, the US, and other parts of the world, and the known ‘scarring effect’ (e.g., Morrell et al., 1994) this has on young people. Improving education and training is clearly only part of the answer to problems that in scale and scope go far beyond this area of public policy. Nonetheless, national and supranational policy-makers are attempting to create and sustain vocational education systems that can support and facilitate youth transitions from education to work and adulthood in a period of economic hardship and intense global competition for the available jobs. One indicator of this has been the recent international revival of interest in apprenticeship, the development of national policies to support the evolution and expansion of programs, and the means of evaluating their quality (e.g., in terms of their ‘expansive’ and ‘restrictive’ features) (Fuller and Unwin, 2012). The purpose of vocational education can then be viewed on a spectrum with training for specific, narrowly defined jobs at one end and, at the other, a more general preparation designed to help young people leads productive and fulfilling adult lives
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as workers and citizens. The content of vocational provision will vary according to the underpinning aim. A range of key indicators, including the relationship between general and vocational education, assessment and certification, can be identified that offer evidence about the goal and nature of programs. For example, are participants required to pursue academic subjects such as native and foreign languages, science, mathematics, and humanities alongside their vocational studies; or is their education and training focused primarily on the specifics of the vocational area with minimal curriculum extension and enrichment? There are major differences in the concept and scope of general education within the vocational route. In the UK, it is narrowly defined as primarily English and Mathematics, and has previously been referred to as ‘core’ or ‘key’ skills model. Andy Green (1998) has provided a comprehensive critique of this approach, its assumptions, and implications. By contrast in other parts of Europe (e.g., Germany, Austria, and Switzerland), it includes a wider range of academic subjects and civic education (Clarke and Winch, 2007). There are also related questions about the settings in which learning in the vocational route takes place: Are participants primarily located in the workplace with little off-the-job or classroom provision; is it the other way round with full-time attendance in vocational school or college and little opportunity for workplace experience, or is it a structured combination of participation in both workplace and classroom? Moreover, to what extent is the program designed in terms of the teaching and learning of vocational knowledge, including the relevant underpinning scientific, technical, and social theories, or around a list of occupational competences and standards that participants need to show they have met. Issues of assessment and certification are relevant here too. The purpose and nature of the program will be reflected in how participants are assessed. This may include whether they sit formal written examinations and are examined separately on the general educational element of their program. If so, does this enable them to achieve dual certification for their academic and vocational achievements which facilitates movement between different kinds of programs, or is assessment confined to accrediting the acquisition of vocational competence and occupational expertise, for example, through observations in the workplace? Beyond this, what is the currency of the qualifications participants achieve for progression to higher
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education (HE) and entry to Bachelor degrees, or for entry to the skilled labor market? In concerning itself with questions such as these, this article provides an overview of some of the key debates and theories permeating discussions about vocational education, what it consists of and how it is positioned in wider educational and employment landscapes. Vocational education and training (VET) can, of course, also be used as a route back into employment (e.g., for unemployed adults or women returning to the labor market after raising children), or to more highly skilled work and jobs for those already in employment, but the focus of this article is on initial vocational education for young people.
Why Is Vocational Education Important? There are various reasons why vocational education matters. At one level the answer is all around us. Building the infrastructure that supports modern life, curing the sick, maintaining and repairing machinery and equipment, providing hospitality and leisure services, technological innovations in telecommunications and more, are only enabled by the availability of people with occupational knowledge, skills, and expertise. The need for vocational education for instrumental reasons, then, is obvious. However, going beyond this and getting to the heart of John Dewey’s concern is a call for a holistic and humanistic concept of vocational education that recognizes the inherent and intrinsic values associated with learning for occupational expertise and practice of skilled work, for the individual and wider society (Sennett, 2008). Lorna Unwin has suggested that this broader understanding of vocational education should be reflected in all education (2009). Most debates about the importance of vocational education and, in particular, the need for its reform, do not start with such philosophical concerns. For the most part, commentators invoke two main and often conflicting discourses. Firstly, in policy terms vocational education has increasingly been associated with economic competitiveness (OECD, 2010; EU, 2002). In the Lisbon Agreement, the European Union (EU) explicitly stated its goal (by 2010) to become “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world” (Council, 2000: 3) later identifying the “crucial contribution from education and training as factors of economic growth, innovation, sustainable employability and social cohesion” (Council, 2002: 5 both cited in Ertl, 2006). The argument underpinning this and other ‘competitiveness’ policies is based on the assumption that improving the quality of VET has a positive effect on competitive advantage through generating greater productivity and facilitating innovation. Studies by Sig Prais and colleagues in the 1980s compared the productivity of matched plants in Germany and the UK, concluding that the better performance of German firms could be explained at least in part by the superior vocational preparation of their workers (e.g., Prais et al., 1989). Subsequently, this idea has been developed to suggest that the availability of a skilled workforce allows more productive forms of work organization where employees have more discretion and involvement in the decision making, and the development of higher value-added products and services (Finlay et al., 1998, see also Keep et al., 2006 for a critique of these assumptions). It
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follows that countries with highly developed and effective VET systems are likely to be more successful in the global economic competition, Germany is probably the country most often given as an example here. Secondly, vocational education is viewed as a pathway to stable employment for school-leavers who do not progress to HE. In other words, it can be conceived as a ‘transition system’ for part of the cohort (Raffe, 2008). In some countries the vocational route is also seen as a vehicle for reengaging disaffected young people and social inclusion (Preston and Green, 2008; EU, 2010). The existence of academic and vocational educational pathways raises the issue of comparative status between the two routes. The dualistic nature of much of the discourse around vocational education (Clarke and Winch, 2007; Pring, 2007; Young, 2004) represented by the academic–vocational, theory–practice, mental–manual, education-training binaries is unhelpful. A point also picked up by the American philosopher Richard Sennett in his recent book The Craftsman:
History has drawn fault lines dividing practice and theory; technique and expression; craftsman and artist; maker and user; modern society suffers from this historical inheritance. But the past life of craft and craftsmen also suggests ways of using tools, organizing bodily movements, thinking about materials that remain alternative, viable proposals about how to conduct life with skills. Sennett, 2008: 11
Linda Clarke and Christopher Winch highlight how language provides a window on the contrasting values and meanings attributed to vocational education. For example, the German language has three terms that signify three different conceptions of the English word ‘training’ “first, in the sense of to train an animal . [where German] uses the verb abrichten ., second, to train someone to carry out a specific job or activity . anlernen; and, finally, the sense of education for an occupation like medicine or carpentry, where German uses ausbilden” (2007: 7). The language point is significant because it highlights cultural distinctions in the way VET is conceptualized and understood, and suggests that transferring the characteristics of vocational education from one country to another is far from straightforward. Different ways of conceptualizing and characterizing approaches to vocational education and their consequences for convergence and divergence between systems will be discussed in the next section.
Why Do Different Models of Vocational Education Exist in Different Countries? There are various ways of organizing and providing vocational education. This can be seen in the diverse models of vocational education that exist in different countries. Given the national and international policy interest in the link between VET and economic competitiveness, researchers have examined the characteristics of systems and ways of grouping countries with similar institutional arrangements. In the main, international comparative research over the past 25 or so years has drawn on original empirical and theoretical work undertaken by French
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scholars Maurice et al. (1986) who developed the ‘societal approach.’
The societal approach emphasises the holistic interrelationships among different social and economic institutions, including education and training, the labour market and industrial relations systems, the production system, family structures and cultures, and so on. Raffe, 2008: 278
Maurice et al. (1986) analyzed the relationship between education, the labor market, and other civic and social institutions in Germany and France. They identified that the nature of this societal relationship was distinctive in each country. Given strong evidence from the cross-national research literature, including some of the most extensive studies of country differences in the logics that underpin their vocational education systems (e.g., Hannan et al., 1997; OECD, 2010), it is not surprising that the extent to which countries converge or diverge has been a key area of debate (Müller and Shavit, 1998; Raffe, 2008). A number of country typologies deriving in the main from the comparison of national data sets and cross-national surveys have been developed, drawing on dimensions and concepts that help classify countries into types. A review of the comparative literature suggests that three of these are particularly important and tend to be interrelated, ‘logics and linkages,’ ‘standardization,’ and ‘stratification.’ Firstly, as Ianelli and Raffe (2007) suggest the strength of the links between vocational education and the labor market varies from country to country depending on their industrial histories, civic and democratic culture, and the associated institutions and arrangements that have grown up in the relevant country context. They suggest that countries where the linkages between vocational education and employment are weak (e.g., Sweden) operate in line with an education logic, whereas those where linkages are strong can be viewed as having an employment logic. The nature of the labor market and particularly how it is regulated is a relevant factor here. The employment logic is strong in countries (e.g., Denmark and Germany) where entry to skilled occupations is regulated and restricted to those who have completed an agreed (according to existing institutional arrangements) vocational program (usually in the form of an apprenticeship) and achieved the required qualifications. It is less strong in countries such as the UK and the US which traditionally have been viewed as having more flexible and open labor markets, with access to occupations being less heavily regulated. Secondly, the concept of standardization refers to the content of vocational curricula and the processes by which they are followed and assessed. The extent to which a vocational pathway is standardized in terms of the curriculum, assessment regime, and qualification(s) has an impact on how well employers understand and recognize the learning and achievements of those who have successfully completed it. Standardization makes it easier for employers to recognize the currency, and to trust the use value of the qualifications (extent to which they can be taken as a reliable proxy for the knowledge and competence award holders) achieved by participants. Allmendinger (1989) identified the importance
of standardization, suggesting that young people experience much more straightforward transitions into work in systems with uniform standards. Given the role of standardization in supporting education – work transitions, it follows that countries whose approach to vocational education is characterized by employment logic are also likely to have standardized provision. Thirdly, stratification refers to the proportion of young people staying in school for as long as the system allows (Allmendinger, 1989). Put another way, if a country’s compulsory education system requires students to remain in school until the age of 16 but a further 2 or 3 years of upper secondary schooling are available, then what proportion of the cohort are able or choose to stay on? The more highly stratified the system, the smaller the participation rate in the final postcompulsory years of school and the higher the participation rate in other pathways, for example, apprenticeship. A further consequence of a highly stratified system is the smaller proportion of young people progressing to university. Hence countries with mass participation in HE such as Korea, Japan, and Canada tend to have smaller and weaker apprenticeship systems than countries with lower rates of participation in university such as Germany. The OECD Education at a Glance (2012) figures show that approximately 65% of Koreans aged 25–34 years have attained a higher level qualification compared with 25% of Germans in the same age group. The identification of country typologies suggests that there is a relationship between logics and linkages, standardization and stratification. For example, Kerckhoff (2000) has proposed two ‘types.’ Type 1 societies (e.g., Germany) can be distinguished by their strong standardization, stratification, and linkages between vocational education and the labor market. In contrast, Type 2 societies (e.g., USA) have been characterized by nonstandardized programs, less stratification, and looser linkages between vocational education and employment. Some countries such as the UK and France are harder to classify and so have been viewed as falling between the two types. This suggests that the dimensions could be usefully perceived as continua, rather than either/or categories. Other typologies have focused primarily on patterns of participation. For example, Andy Green et al. (1999) identify national apprenticeship systems as high, low, or medium participation. A key factor in the distinctiveness of a country’s approach to and organization of vocational education is the role the state plays in the configuration of institutional and societal relationships that underpin its vocational education system. Understanding the role of the state in creating and supporting education – work pathways and transitions shed light on the strength of its interest and involvement in this area of policy (Green, 1990). Drawing on ideas from political economy, David Ashton (2004: 21) argues that in addition to the societal approach (outlined above) VET policy “is also conditioned by the state structures and the ability of the state to administer a central policy initiative.” From this starting point he develops a typology of national systems that includes three models. Firstly, the ‘free market’ model (including the US, the UK, and Canada) is based on a long tradition of the state’s ‘laissez-faire,’ voluntaristic approach to intervention in the relationship between capital and labor. In this model, the role of the state is to provide a legal framework that supports the workings of
Vocational Education market forces and underpins the ‘dominance of capital over labor’ (Ashton, 2004: 23). It follows that the main contribution of the state, here, has been to create and maintain an education system that provides citizens with basic general education and orientation to work. Thereafter the responsibility for building on this foundation lies with individuals and employers. VET provision can be bought from providers or supplied directly by companies, for example, in the form of on-the-job training. Secondly and by contrast, in the ‘corporatist’ model (including Denmark and Germany), the state intervenes in the capital – labor relationship, thereby, producing a social partnership approach (also involving the Trades Unions) to achieving initial industrialization and later economic development. This model is underpinned by shared support for and involvement in the education and training system.
The achievement of a consensus with the social partners means that this model creates a more institutionally dense environment for training, usually focused on the apprenticeship system. Ashton, 2004: 24
Thirdly, the ‘developmental state’ model (including South East Asian economies such as South Korea and Singapore) reflects an approach where, starting from a low industrial and educational base, the state has taken the leading role (since World War II) in promoting industrialization, and in shaping industrial relations and the education and training system. In drawing attention to the different roles played by the state in the three models, Ashton is able to make further important points about the relationship between national VET systems, work, and employment. Leaving vocational education primarily to employers (free market model) means that provision is more likely to be narrow and task specific to meet the needs of particular organizations (i.e., nonstandardized). Where, as in the corporatist model, the consensus approach produces highly skilled workers (via standardized occupational apprenticeships), the challenge is how to adapt the system to meet new needs flowing from rapid technological innovation. In the case of the developmental state model, where the state plays a highly active not-to-say dominant role, it can push employers ‘to adopt new methods of production’ and individuals ‘to learn the appropriate skills’ (p. 34). In the context of an increasingly competitive global economy, then, it is apparently not enough for countries to create and sustain vocational education systems. In addition, the character of jobs created, linked to the mode of production and competitiveness strategies adopted by countries, sectors, and companies can act as a pull factor shaping what is required from the vocational education supply pipeline. The discussion so far has suggested that there is a relationship between the purpose and nature of the vocational education pathway and employment and occupational opportunities. In other words, insights about the nature of the labor market, the kinds of jobs available, their status and grade, the way skills are constructed and rewarded, can be gained from studying the vocational education system and vice versa. Put more strongly, I would suggest that there may actually be a wash-back effect on the status, purpose, and nature of vocational education from the distribution of good quality (secure,
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well-paid, full-time permanent, respected status) jobs in national and sectoral labor markets. This raises the question of what kinds of jobs nation-states are preparing their young people for. Lorna Unwin has observed that in the UK politicians and policy-makers make denigrating assumptions about low-grade jobs being performed by individuals who are deficient in knowledge and skills. She criticizes this analysis and the policy ‘solution’ (which it can be noted is consistent with Ashton’s free market model as the state stops short of proactively intervening with employers): . at the same time as being dismissive of many occupations, policymakers have become fixated on the individual as the source of the problem, and, hence, millions of pounds are being poured into the acquisition of qualifications without any parallel initiatives to improve job quality. Unwin, 2009: 2
It follows that enterprises that organize work and production in ways that foster the creation of jobs designed to foster employee discretion, involvement, and contribution are more likely (1) to feed into and support the development of a high-quality initial vocational education system from which to select well-educated and able staff, and (2) to create workplace learning environments capable of fully utilizing and further developing their skills (Fuller and Unwin, 2004; Felstead et al., 2009).
Characteristics of Vocational Education Pathways and Some Implications In broad-brush terms, vocational pathways can be viewed as school-based, where students follow full-time programs of study linked to a broad vocational area such as business, economics, and commerce in a formal educational institution; apprenticeship, where apprentices are placed (and usually employed) in a company where they receive on-the-job training (usually) coupled with regular off-the-job training (such as day release in college); or mixed, where the vocational system includes both apprenticeship and school-based modes of participation. David Raffe (2008: 285) suggests that pathways can be analyzed along four dimensions: l
Size of vocational pathway in comparison with general education – the proportion of the cohort pursuing each route l Nature of vocational pathway – particularly extent to which it is school-based, work-based, or a mixture of the two l Occupational specificity – the degree to which the program is narrowly job specific or more broadly focused on a vocational area l Relationship between general and vocational pathways – the degree of commonality between the modes of participation, pedagogy, assessment, and certification associated with each, and the ease of movement between them. These four are key dimensions for illuminating the general character of the pathway but it is also worth identifying some other issues. In addition to the size of the vocational pathway, the main setting in which it is followed, the degree of
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occupational specificity and the extent to which there is standardization and permeability between general and vocational pathways, it is important for social justice reasons to ask who is participating in what pathways: How evenly are young people with different social class, race, and gender characteristics represented across the system? Linda Clarke (2007: 63) discusses the role of vocational education in reproducing rather than challenging social inequalities. She argues that the institutional arrangements (discussed earlier in terms of the societal approach) that underpin the shape and structure of VET also reflect historically entrenched ‘class and gender relations.’ Stereotypical patterns of participation by females and males in vocational courses and apprenticeships continue to persist (Lakes and Carter, 2004) with young women being strongly overrepresented in fields such as hairdressing and child care and underrepresented in engineering and construction, sectors that are dominated by young men. Historically, the ability of institutional gatekeepers (e.g., the guilds, professional bodies) to oversee or even restrict entry (numbers and characteristics) into apprenticeships and occupations can have the effect of maintaining wage levels and job status: It [vocational education] is about entry into the labour market; about dividing up the potential labour force into different occupations and skills, each with a distinct quality. And it is about class and gender divisions, acting as a filter to include or exclude particular groups from particular occupations or industries and from acquiring a particular status in society. Clarke, 2007: 62
The classed nature of who participates in what pathway has been illuminated in highly insightful research by Shavit and Müller (2000). They drew attention to the ‘diversion effects’ of vocational education systems where most young people do not participate in HE and where, in a strongly stratified system (such as in Germany), it is hard to move between tracks. Their findings indicated that those from lower socioeconomic groups were more likely to be found in the apprenticeship pathway than their more socially advantaged peers. On the other hand, the more regulated nature of the labor market and the involvement of the social partners in designing and supporting apprenticeship meant that it usually provided a strong ‘safety net’ for participants (male and female) and vehicle for supporting their transitions to skilled jobs and permanent employment. There are few signs that the renewed international interest in expanding the apprenticeship route is, as yet, challenging gendered patterns of participation, although during the 2000s there have been some useful vocational education initiatives sponsored by the EU that have produced some positive outcomes (Fuller and Unwin, in press). In addition to examining the characteristics of the population participating in vocational pathways, it is important to focus on content and in particular the approach taken to vocational knowledge (Winch, 2010; Bathmaker, 2013). In the UK this has been a strongly contested issue, as researchers and academics have critiqued the marginalization of knowledge in the outcomes-based design of National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs), which have dominated the VET
system since the early 1980s (for a critique of NVQs see Grugulis, 2003). Michael Young (2004) has identified and discussed distinctions between three approaches to knowledge and the vocational curriculum which he has related to different periods in the development of vocational education in the UK since the late nineteenth century. These also serve as useful lenses for analyzing the approach to knowledge in vocational education more widely, including in other countries. Firstly, the ‘knowledge-based’ approach arose from the perceived need for apprentices in engineering and science-based industries to be taught relevant scientific subject knowledge. It “assumed that the natural sciences were important for their specific content and as a model of reliable, objective knowledge” (Young, 2004: 187). This model was later extended to other vocational areas such as business studies which were taught in further education colleges (the main institutions providing vocational education in the UK). Secondly, the ‘standards-based’ approach introduced in the 1980s arose from policy-makers’ criticism of the knowledgebased model which they felt had become too academic and removed from what employers required. The new approach used functional analysis to develop occupational standards in line with employers’ requirements. Individuals were deemed to be competent (through an accreditation process in the workplace) if they could perform tasks to the specified standards. The principal weakness Young (2004: 191) identified with the first model is that it “failed to consider how this new [scientific subject] knowledge could be recontextualised in the workplace.” He went on to argue that the second model “neglected the extent to which only some of the knowledge relevant to particular occupations has its origins in workplaces,” and therefore provides an emasculated approach to vocational knowledge. In response, Young identified a third model ‘the connective approach’ which aimed to overcome these limitations by combining theory and practice, and on and off the job learning. Michael Young and others (e.g., David Guile, 2010; Young, 2008; Winch, 2010) have gone on to develop ideas about the nature of vocational knowledge and expertise and how it needs to be reconceived, positioned, taught, and learned in the context of contemporary vocational and professional education and the dynamics of changing patterns or work organization and production. Recent studies of the content and inclusion of vocational knowledge in full-time vocational courses and apprenticeship frameworks in England (Brockmann et al., 2010; Fuller and Unwin, 2011a,b; Bathmaker, 2013) have found continuing shortcomings inviting negative comparisons with the quality of vocational education in other countries. It is also important to consider the value and worth of qualifications attained by participants in vocational education pathways. To what extent do they provide a strong platform for career and educational progression, and to what extent do they articulate and so support horizontal bridging to general educational pathways and vertical ladders to HE? To explore this, I draw on a recent EU Leonardo funded project on ‘hybrid qualifications’ (HQ) in England, Denmark, Germany, and Austria (Deissinger et al., in press). The
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study explores the ability of qualifications positioned as providing both general educational and vocational currency to lead either to employment in the skilled labor market or to a place in HE. The focus of the research reflects the EU policy aims of improving the permeability and progression opportunities within and between national vocational education systems. In England, Germany, and Denmark there was no well understood or established hybrid pathway that catered for a clear population of young people of upper secondary age. In Germany and Denmark the stratification of the school system into different academic (gymnasium) and vocational institutions (vocational schools and dual system apprenticeship) and tracks led to limited opportunities for movement between them. Moreover, the qualifications attained by young people in each track are not portable such that those who achieve the academic diploma are not qualified to enter the skilled employment in the regulated occupational part of the labor market, and those who successfully complete their apprenticeships do not accrue the qualification currency to access HE. There are experiments underway in both countries to try and develop HQ routes but, in the main, opportunities for vertical progression (either to the labor market or HE) rely on individuals gaining qualifications from both pathways (double qualifications) (Deissinger and Wern, 2011; Jørgensen and Lindvig, 2011). In England the system is less stratified and standardized but the linkages to the labor market are looser (Davey and Fuller, 2011). Young people populating the middle or hybrid space can progress to HE if they attain a combination of academic and vocational qualifications through full-time study but there is no automatic labor market recognition of these attainments. Alternatively, those following the apprenticeship route are in employment, although the variable quality of programs (and limited labor market and occupational regulation) means that the strength of apprenticeship as a platform for career progression is uneven. The difficulty for apprentices is progression to HE because the currency of the qualifications available in their frameworks is usually insufficient for entry to Bachelor degrees, even those in subject areas that are cognate with the apprenticeship. In Austria, by contrast with the other three countries, there is a well-understood and established hybrid route within a system that is characterized by stratification and standardization. The hybrid option sits between the country’s solely academic pathway followed by approximately 20% of the cohort through the attendance at the gymnasium and its dual system (vocational school and work-based) apprenticeship route followed by approximately 40% of the cohort. Young people (approximately a third of the cohort) participate in the hybrid route where they attend specialist educational institutions known as vocational colleges. The distinctive feature of the vocational college provision is that it leads to a certificate of secondary education (the same Reifeprufung examination as their gymnasium peers) and a VET diploma supplemented with additional specific labor market qualifications. College graduates with these achievements possess the recognized entry qualifications to
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access the full range of university courses in as well as skilled employment (Aff et al., 2011).
Conclusions The article began by contrasting a far-reaching, holistic conception of vocational education with a narrow occupationally specific alternative, indicating the range of purposes it may be required to fulfill and the unhelpful persistence of the academic–vocational divide. The ensuing analysis of national vocational education systems has indicated some of the important dimensions along which they can be differentiated and some of the implications for social justice and inclusion, as well as for educational and career progression. The brief discussion of the HQ study illustrated the uneven value and portability of qualifications, and the scale of the challenge involved in fulfilling the increasingly popular (national governments, EU, OECD) aim of increasing permeability between pathways and progression opportunities from vocational education to HE and skilled employment. Case study comparative research is important here as it provides an effective way of identifying and explaining the diverse characteristics of vocational education systems. Evidence can be generated that shows, on the one hand, how approaches to vocational education reflect deep-seated historical, cultural, economic, and institutional differences between societies and, on the other, how external pressures and economic forces (e.g., related to the negative economic effects of the banking crisis, changing industrial structure and patterns of international labor mobility, and technological innovation) provide a transformed context with which all industrialized countries are grappling. Young people are particularly vulnerable to unemployment and to experiencing barriers to their successful transition to fulfilled adult lives and citizenship. The extant literature suggests that the availability of good quality vocational education can facilitate transitions, but contextual factors mean that what counts as effective, for whom, and in whose interests, is likely to continue to differ.
See also: Communities of Practice; Education and Economic Growth; Education and Employment; Education: Skills Training; Equity and Education; Youth Joblessness.
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