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Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries E Lyby, Jacaranda Consult, Denmark ã 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Conflict forms part of the human condition. Since time immemorial, people have been fighting over power, resources, and ideas. Thomas Hobbes, in his monumental and controversial 1651 work, The Leviathan considered that ‘‘. . .during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called Warre; and such is Warre, as is of every man, against every man.’’ (Hobbes, 1651:)
However, to counteract the atrocious consequences of eternal Warre, Hobbes arrived at what he called the ‘‘fundamental law of nature,’’ which is ‘‘to seek peace, and follow it.’’ This can be done through a commonwealth – a government or other central power to which people have delegated the right to conduct violence on their behalf through a social contract. Hobbes’ books were burnt in public when they came out, but his ideas inspired later thinkers such as John Locke, and were reflected in the drafting of the American Constitution. This article addresses conditions for vocational education and training (VET) in post-conflict countries. In the early twenty-first century, this refers by and large to countries in the developing world, roughly Africa, Asia/ Pacific and Latin America, as all recent conflicts have taken place there – the industrialized or developed countries of the West have been involved in many of these conflicts but not on their own territory, hence the focus on developing countries. The use of the term developing countries for nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America tends to imply that these are in the process of developing their economies and institutions on the road toward modernity as known in the Western world. In many countries, protracted armed conflict has severely disrupted this development. A new paradigm is therefore underway, by which the way to development is no longer seen as following (more or less) the same path. New structures emerge in the globalized age that tend to weaken state power and disrupt traditional economies. In addition, rising levels of violence and misery are becoming accepted as normal, and new forms of humanitarian aid intervention, far from solving the problem, accommodate and coexist with this instability and inequality.
cultural, or religious group. Its nature, extent, and level of intensity vary in time and place. The first half of the twentieth century saw two world wars, in which the major powers of the time confronted each other head-on, concluding with the development and use of the nuclear bomb. Many conflicts were conducted by proxy in the developing countries during the Cold War, with the major powers supporting their junior allies directly and indirectly. In addition, an increasing number of conflicts became internal, civil wars, rather than conflicts between nations. A total of 228 armed conflicts have been recorded after World War II and 118 after the end of the Cold War. In 2004, there were 30 active armed conflicts; this number includes seven conflicts that had become inactive since the previous year, a new one that had started, and seven that had restarted of which three had action taken by new rebel groups and four by previously recorded actors. When is a conflict over? When is it really post-conflict time, when some 50% of conflicts resume within a year after the peace treaty has been signed? The term postconflict itself therefore becomes ambiguous: is the conflict really over, or are we in-between two phases of it? Key to this issue is the level of security that can be maintained, and security and development are increasingly seen as interdependent – post-conflict reconstruction and development are impossible without a reasonable degree of security – and security cannot be sustained in the longer term without reconstruction and development taking place. The very different cultures of the military forces and the development-aid community grapple with finding a suitable mode of coexistence in the post-conflict situation with focus on reconstruction. Armed conflict inevitably adds to the already existing problems of developing countries, causing great social and economic destruction and often leading to the displacement of millions of people. As peace is gradually restored, large numbers of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and ex-combatants wish to return to their communities, thereby placing an additional burden on overstretched resources. Gainful employment is in short supply (see Case Study 1).
New Opportunities? The Nature of Conflict Conflict takes place both within and between social actors – the family, village, clan, tribe, nation; or the economic,
Post-conflict reconstruction can offer new opportunities to reinvent VET systems from a clean slate, but such development is most often hampered by political competition
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Vocational Education and Training – VET in Context
Case Study 1 Vocational education and training (VET) in developing countries Some developing countries draw benefits from the increasing globalization of markets, using the comparatively cheap costs of human labor in mass production for exports to achieve high economic growth rates. The need to produce goods of high quality for the world market gradually calls for the upgrading of skills of the workforce, and human resource development in such situations becomes a key factor for companies that want to be competitive – something they must invest in. However, many developing countries still only participate in the global markets to a very limited degree, and often only in export of one or two primary products such as oil, minerals, or agricultural produce. Even without having been exposed to violent conflict, the VET systems in such countries is often one of neglect. The following characteristics apply in many countries:
Modern-sector economy is small and often based on one or two products. The labor market is dominated by an informal (microenterprise) sector, in which informal apprenticeship is the dominant mode of skills transfer. The informal sector is facing harsh competition from cheap imported products, hence has limited potential for growth on its own. The skills development of the informal apprentice remains at the level of what the master craftsman already knows. Government-owned and -run VET systems are inflexible and try to cater to a formal sector industry of yesterday. VET standards set 40–50 years ago were perhaps suited to conditions during colonial times but fall short of the requirements of the globalized era. Formal VET institutions are starved of resources and driven by supply rather than demand. Their management and instructors are neither interested in, nor capable of orienting themselves to the informal sector on the one hand, or to keep up with technological development on the other. They produce poorly qualified graduates that are rejected by employers in the formal, as well as informal sectors. Motivation to join VET programmes is often low among youths and their parents, who prefer secondary and tertiary education rather than vocational training. If a training course is chosen as a last resort, the motivation is likely to be low, the learning may be ineffective, and the proportion of VET candidates actually putting their acquired skills to use is often low.
for resources and power bases, shortage of skilled trainers, no reliable labor-market information, as well as very weak administrative support systems. Add to this security concerns including private armies, landmines, and return of refugees in large numbers with high expectations for a better future. The potential to seize such opportunities obviously vary greatly between post-conflict countries due to factors such as the level and intensity of the conflict; whether it has actually stopped; geographical, political, and cultural characteristics; and the level of external military and economic support available to win and secure a sustainable peace. The differences between the post-conflict situations are more conspicuous than the similarities, making generalizations hard to arrive at. The examples
described in the sections below serve as illustrations of the diversity more than as indicators of general trends. The two countries to be described are South Africa after the long but relatively low-intensity struggle against apartheid, and Afghanistan after 23 years of occupation and civil war, most of it with high-intensity violence. In addition to the different types of conflict, the two countries also represent dissimilar sociogeographic features, with South Africa as a unique combination of the two worlds – the industrialized and the developing world – within its own borders at the southern tip of Africa, and Afghanistan, a tradition-bound Asian country first caught in the crossfire of the Cold War and then in self-destructive internal fighting.
South Africa Industrial development in South Africa took off with the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in 1869 and gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886. Control over these resources was at the heart of the Anglo-Boer War 1899–1902, ending with the establishment in 1910 of the Union of South Africa, a de facto self-governing entity within the British Commonwealth. Economic and political power was in the hands of the white minority, consisting of Afrikaans-speaking descendents of Dutch settlers and more recent immigrants who were mostly English-speaking. A constitution based on political parties was put in place, however for whites only. The mining industry and, increasingly, a manufacturing industry, provided job opportunities for many workers. Mining especially attracted young Afrikaans-speaking men from the farming areas, most of them with little education. The nature of the work in deep-pit gold mining called for large numbers of unskilled or low-skilled workers, beyond what the white community could supply. This gave rise to the migrant labor system, by which Africans were given time-bound contracts to fill the lower ranks of the workforce under the supervision of white workers. In theory, Africans were regarded as agricultural tribesmen outside the modern world, who did stints of work for a while in order to earn money for a specific purpose such as marriage or acquisition of land. In reality, the government applied a head tax on Africans that compelled them to work for money and hence become part of the industrial world. The jobs of white workers came gradually under threat from pressure from the Africans who were paid much less for the same work. This led to a general strike by white workers in 1920 and the setting up of a Job Reservation Act by which a specified number of occupations were reserved for whites. From the point of view of South African (white) industrialists this was an inefficient use of the available workforce, and from the point of view of the Africans an unacceptable discrimination against them and their livelihoods.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
The migrant labor system continued and became the foundation of the apartheid (separateness) policy that was implemented after the victory of the Afrikaans-speaking National Party in 1948, which aimed at total separation of the ethnic groups in space and time, each group living in its designated area and only visiting other areas for specific reasons such as temporary employment. The country was divided into areas for whites, coloreds (people of mixed race), Indians (descendents of indentured workers from India who were imported to work in the sugarcane fields in Natal in the 1860s), and Africans, with the latter required to carry and show a passbook to the police upon request when visiting areas of other groups. The result was a country that combined First- and ThirdWorld institutions in parallel systems, one for whites – well resourced and run – and one for blacks – of poor quality and starved of resources. This dichotomy applied in full force to the educational and training systems. Resistance against racial discrimination took shape with the formation of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1910, initially based on nonviolent principles of the South African Indian Congress formed earlier by Mahatma Gandhi. With the introduction of apartheid in 1948, peaceful resistance increased until the 1960 Sharpeville massacre in which police forces killed 69 unarmed black participants in a lawful demonstration against the detested passbooks. Sharpeville led to the ANC under Nelson Mandela to declare the armed struggle, initially against government installations and not against human targets. ANC was banned as an organization and Mandela and most of ANC’s top leadership were jailed on Robben Island in 1963, after which ANC for many years primarily operated from exile elsewhere in Africa and in Europe. The pressure on the South African governments grew with international isolation through boycott of goods and participation in sports events, as well as with the ANC’s increasing capability to upset the functioning of the system through mass action. The pressure from below was met with police brutality, torture, and inexplicable deaths in detention. However, it became gradually more and more obvious that the system was unsustainable in the long run, and apartheid finally died in April 1994 with the first elections based on universal suffrage, which gave power to the ANC with Mandela as the first black president.
From Apartheid to National Qualifications Framework Recent development in the South African VET sector can arguably be divided into three phases. 1989–94: From resistance to policy thinking
This period was driven by the process toward abolition of apartheid, a political objective that claimed all the
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attention of the involved actors. Important was the role of the ANC-affiliated Congress of South African trade Unions (COSATU), which had strong links to unions abroad and was able to benefit from their experience. As primarily freedom fighters with limited experience in the workings of a normal labor market, this support was useful to the South African unionists in the process when ideas of competency-based modular training and recognition of prior learning became prominent. It was in this period that COSATU initiated the National Training Strategy Initiative in which many items were negotiated with other stakeholders in the National Training Board. It was also in this period that employers and unions agreed in principle on some form of a National Qualifications Framework (NQF) that would integrate education and training. An important point for the unions in this debate was to arrive at a system that would include even those with little or no education at all. 1994–99: Turning policy ideas into legislation Mandela’s presidency saw the birth of major development programs, notably the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) and the subsequent Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) program, both with ambitious growth targets in employment, housing, and other areas. In reality however, South Africa experienced a significant decline in formal sector employment in this period – 600 000 formal jobs were lost between 1996 and 2000 – partly due to hesitance by foreign investors, and against an annual growth of the labor force of more than 400 000. The NQF was elaborated in 1995–96 in order to reconstruct and develop the education and training system into an integrated approach which could enhance access to, and mobility and quality within education and training. To oversee the quality of the NQF, the South African Qualifications Authority (SAQA) was established in 1995. This process was supported in 1997 by the adoption of a Green Paper that proposed a transformed skills development system based on three mechanisms: (1) a levy–grant system, aimed at increasing the involvement of, and contributions by, employers in training of their workforce; (2) establishment of a series of Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs); and (3) introduction of a new notion of learnerships. The NQF consists of eight levels divided into three bands: General, Further, and Higher Education and Training, with basic adult education (literacy training) at the bottom but still as part of General Education, to postdoctoral research degrees at the top of the third band. While this level of integration is clearly a very ambitious agenda for any country, its implementation was actually divided between two agencies, the Department of Education and the Department of Labour, an arrangement that has led to many difficulties.
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1999 and later: Implementing the vision
Nelson Mandela was succeeded as president by Thabo Mbeki in 1999. Mbeki’s presidency has been tasked with transforming the ideas into practice. The skills levy has been introduced but the lack of administrative capacity to make it a major financing source of skills development and VET has reduced its efficiency, at least in the early years. The GEAR program has helped establish macroeconomic stability but has not produced the number of formal sector jobs that were intended. The VET is placed in the Further Education and Training (FET) band of the NQF. Legislation in 2000 on the FET Certificate stipulates that public FET colleges will be merged into larger entities with 2000 full-time FET learners as the minimum institutional size. Similar mergers take place within higher educational institutions. In the case of VET, this means merging former white VET colleges with former black ones into much larger units. The extent of this challenge on the (white and black) instructors and students, as well as the amount of redistribution of resources between them is daunting. In conclusion, it can be said that South Africa has succeeded to a considerable degree in overcoming the legacy of decades of conflict. Access to education and training has become much more equal, NQF is undergoing continuous development, and results are beginning to show. On the reverse side, job growth is grossly insufficient and much talent has been lost through emigration of whites. Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) takes a hard toll on qualified people who fall victim to the disease, and the need for replacements puts extra stress on the education and training systems. Add to this continued complaints that the distribution of resources and opportunities remains as skewed as ever. While South Africa had managed to emerge from conflict and become a stable country without major fallbacks to violence, the country is still faced with huge challenges.
Afghanistan The coup d’e´tat of Daoud Khan against his cousin the king, Zahir Shah, in 1973 concluded 40 years of royal governance, and Afghanistan was declared a republic. Daoud claimed to promote modernization of the country and turned toward the West, something that did not please his neighbors to the North, the Soviet Union; he was already at odds with the southern neighbor, Pakistan. In April 1978, he was himself killed in a communist coup. This was followed by the invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in December 1979 and 10 years of Soviet occupation, a period known as the jihad (holy war) where private armies under mujahedeen (holy warrior) commanders, were supported by the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Saudi Arabia through the Pakistani secret service Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). This support was intensified in the second half of the 1980s and became a key factor in the dissolution of the USSR. Militarily, the development and supply of the shoulder-fired heat-seeking Stinger missile to the mujahedeen became a turning point with its capacity to destroy the Soviet Hind gunships of which almost 200 were lost in 1988. The exit of the Red Army in 1988 did not bring peace. Instead, the many armed groups fought each other in a series of constellations where alliances changed constantly. This period was even bloodier than the occupation; in 1994 alone, half of Kabul was destroyed and 25 000 people killed, and the fighting continued in most of the country. The Taliban (talib : scholar in Islam) fundamentalist movement entered the fighting in 1994 and gradually advanced throughout the country, taking Kabul in 1996 and most other major towns thereafter. The Taliban introduced a particular strict version of sharia (Islam: the road) legislation; banning women from work; girls from schooling; making music, TV, films and photos, sports, games, etc., illegal and subject to severe punishment. Following the September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington DC, the US army linked up with the Northern Alliance consisting of anti-Taliban mujahedeen commanders in the pursuit of Osama Bin Laden and the overthrow of the Taliban. The operation succeeded, and an Interim government under Hamid Karzai was established in Kabul. The Karzai government had its mandate extended through general elections, but the security situation remained fragile, as Taliban regrouped and prepared new attacks. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) under American command was supplemented with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) troops from several countries, as a national Afghan army was built.
The Aftermath Throughout the twentieth century, Afghanistan has been among the poorest countries in the world. Twenty-three years of bloody conflict did not improve things – 1.5 million Afghans had died, more were injured, many had been subjected to physical or psychological torture. Afghanistan had become the country in the world with the highest infestation of landmines, and many had lost one or both legs as a consequence of these. Four million had become refugees mostly in Pakistan and Iran, and more than a million became internally displaced. A special problem related to the ex-combatants in the private armies who had to be disarmed and reintegrated into society. In 2002, the big return started. Millions came back to look for their land, their property, or a job.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
Most returnees had spent many years abroad and some of them had acquired new citizenship in the country of asylum, as well as knowledge, skills, and even some capital that could be invested. However, the majority returned with low levels of human capital. In 2004, Afghanistan’s overall adult literacy rate was estimated at 36%, about the worst in the world; of this, the literacy rate for women was only 21% while the rate for men was 51% – however, these figures hide huge urban–rural discrepancies with over 90% illiteracy for women in some rural areas. Other alarming social indicators include a fertility rate of 6.3 children per woman; an under-5 mortality rate of 257, equivalent to one in every four children dying before their 5-year birthday; and a maternal mortality rate of 1600 per 100 000 live births. Located on the Silk Route at the crossroads of Asia, Afghans for many centuries had trading links with countries far away. While trade had been disturbed throughout the years of conflict, some of the returnees brought with them new contacts to other, often remote, parts of the world, hence opening new opportunities for trade and production. However, this took place in a setting in which the infrastructure was destroyed and poverty and lawlessness were widespread. The first major economic activity to recover was the cultivation of opium poppy. In spite of government-led and internationally sponsored campaigns to reduce or eliminate poppy, Afghanistan became the world’s largest exporter of raw opium, accounting for three-quarters of Western Europe’s heroin market with a street value of USD 30 billion in 2004. Opium became Afghanistan’s largest industry and is estimated to have grown from 76% to 87% of the world’s production between 2002 and 2004. A New Beginning? Robust data on the economy and labor market in Afghanistan are few and unreliable. The population was estimated at 24 million in 2004, of which only 20% lives in urban areas, but it was a widespread assumption that the real size was close to 30 million. 80%–90% of enterprises are considered to be informal (unregistered and largely untaxed) family businesses. The labor force was estimated at 8 million with 20%–30 % open unemployment, and high underemployment in the labor-intensive informal sector due to low productivity. Investment in the reconstruction effort by international donors has led to a boom in the construction industry, reinforced by wealthier Afghan returnees who build houses and shops for themselves, especially in Kabul. Most of the construction work is carried out by foreign companies. Given the challenges ahead, the demand for skills development is extensive and covers a wide range of different types of skills. The country needs masons, road builders, farmers, legal scholars, teachers, carpenters, electricians, hair dressers, accountants, governance experts, office
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managers, painters, engineers, and persons in many other professions. However, asking Afghan formal-sector companies about the constraints they are faced with, human capital and skills development is low on the list, which is otherwise dominated by infrastructure issues (electricity, accessibility), administration (corruption), and lack of finance capital. Responsibility for and delivery of the post-conflict VET sector in Afghanistan can be divided into five categories: 1. Public provision by three ministries: a. Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) by the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE). Part of tertiary education tier. b. Fourty-two VET institutions under the Ministry of Education (MoE). Infrastructure in poor state. Courses 2–5 years with Grade 9 as entry criterion for most courses. c. Seventeen training centers under the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MoLSA) offer nonformal training courses – a variety of mostly practical courses with no common entry criteria. 2. Vocational training by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Important especially during the war, but later squeezed out by the government ministers who favor public provision. NGO training is mostly urban based. Most trainers are recruited among craftsmen from the locality. Trainees receive a stipend. NGOs carry out training for donors as well as for MoLSA. 3. On-the-job-training (OJT) by employers takes place in some enterprises and larger reconstruction projects. 4. Private training institutions. Urban based and new, many of these cater to a great demand in the postconflict situation for computer training and Englishlanguage courses for adults. 5. Informal apprenticeships. Impossible to measure but undoubtedly a major mode of skills transfer taking place in the informal micro- and small enterprises (MSEs). Skills development is seen by the government as important and some VET programs are included in the so-called Afghan Compact which sets the framework for the government’s main development programs. However, the emphasis is clearly on public provision where the responsibilities of three ministries often overlap. Streamlining of public VET provision is needed and the setting up of a National VET Authority planned for the mediumto long term, in recognition of the difficulties involved in reorganizing the mandates of the involved ministries. The central program to restart the VET sector is the National Skills Development and Market Linkages Programme (NSDP), which aims to tackle the following problems: Many school dropouts and future high-school gradu-
ates are seeking work.
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There is a lack of consistency, quality, and coordination
within and among various training providers. There is a lack of standardized curricula and qualifications, as well as an overall national VET policy. There is no systematic collection of labor-market information. There are wide divisions in approaches of MoLSA and MoE training departments. There is a lack of qualified staff at MoLSA and MoE with little experience of modern technological development.
The overall goal of the NSDP is to contribute to the socioeconomic recovery of Afghanistan through the provision of a national vocational and training system that is responsive to labor-market needs and provides Afghan women and men with the knowledge and skills for decent work. To achieve this goal the NSDP pursues three objectives, thereby combining short- and long-term tracks in one strategy: 1. Direct provision of training through government and private training providers and NGOs: in the short term, to provide skills for wage or self-employment to 150 000 unemployed Afghans, of whom at least 35% are women. 2. Capacity building of training providers and trainers in pedagogical methods and curricula development. 3. Establishment of an enabling environment: a. In the short term through conducting labor-market surveys, mapping, and registering training providers. b. In the long term by setting up a NQF, developing a VET policy, and establishing a National Vocational Education and Training Authority. Afghanistan is facing a steep agenda in the VET sector and elsewhere. Security remains a problem with the re-emergence of the Taliban. Poverty is endemic. The infrastructure is dilapidated. The external funding for reconstruction has not come forward in the amounts and with the speed that was hoped for; corruption in the civil service together with the high cost of the military efforts take up a large share of the investments that should go into reconstruction and development. The VET and skills development programs in Afghanistan are overwhelmingly targeting the small formal sector. This is surprising in a country where the vast majority of enterprises – 80%–90% – are thought to be informal MSEs, and where the majority of skills transfer takes place in the form of informal apprenticeship. The limitations here often lie in the skills of the master craftsman himself – he can only teach what he himself knows already. Some programs have been successful when focusing on the upgrading of skills of master craftsmen, or in the form of sponsored apprenticeships, as shown in (Case Study 2). Such programs have managed to combine the
Case Study 2 Employment of ex-trainees A study of the employment of Afghan youth who had attended conventional vocational training centers in Baluchistan, Pakistan, in the 1980s, showed that a very small percentage were able to gain employment or become self-employed using their skills. Studies of a sponsored apprenticeship program for Afghan refugees in North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan, in the early 1990s showed that a majority of the ex-trainees were in employment that used their skills. From: Sinclair, M. (2002). Planning Education in and after Emergencies. Paris: UNESCO IIEP.
practical experience of being an apprentice in a real (small) enterprise rather than in a training institution with a low training budget.
Conclusion Countries emerging from armed conflict need accelerated economic growth and development to bring about internal stability and a sustainable peace. Destroyed or dilapidated infrastructure is a major obstacle to investment and growth, as in Afghanistan. Human capital is typically low due to disturbance of the schooling and VET systems, with many youths having become freedom fighters or combatants in private armies with no marketable skills in the post-conflict era. The apartheid system in South Africa intentionally kept the black majority from developing their talents and skills. The continued presence of firearms and animosity between former enemies calls for special programs for disarmament and integration of the ex-combatants into the national army, or into civilian life. The two cases presented here illustrate the diversity of challenges that post-conflict countries can be faced with. Does the destruction of old systems through conflict offer new opportunities for reinventing VET from a clean slate? There is obviously no one answer to that question – the most common feature seems to be the great obstacles that lie ahead for such an enterprise. Another one is the recognition of the informal sector, which seems to be very difficult to deal with for governments, in spite of their dominance in terms of employment in many developing countries. When considering the high need for jobs in post-conflict countries, it would be advisable for governments to focus at least part of the VET effort on development of skills and productivity in the informal sector through assisted apprenticeships, upgrading of master craftsmen’s skills, and access to credit and business development services, rather than exclusively on the formal sector which typically is small and capital intensive with few job opportunities.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
Further Reading Ahmad, I. (2004). Gulbuddin Hekmatyar–An Afghan Trail from Jihad to Terrorism. Islamabad: Society for Tolerance and Education. Byrd, W. and Ward, C. (2004). Afghanistan’s Drug Economy. World Bank Report no. SASPR-5. Duffield, M. (2001). Global Governance and the New Wars. New York: Zed Books. Harbom, L. and Wallensteen, P. (2005). Armed conflict and its international dimensions, 1946–2004. Journal of Peace Research 42(5), 623–635. Hobbes, T. and MacPherson, C. B. (1982). Leviathan. Penguin Classics (paperback), New edition.
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Lyby, E. (2001). Vocational training for refugees: A case study from Tanzania. In Crisp, J., Talbot, Ch., and Cipollone, D. (eds.) Learning for a Future: Refugee Education in Developing Countries, pp 217–259. Geneva: UNHCR. Marshall, M. G. Major Episodes of Political Violence 1946–2006, Center for Systemic Peace. http://members.aol.com/CSPmgm/warlist.htm. McGrath, S. and Badroodien, A. (2005). International Influences on the Evolution of South Africa’s National Skills Development Strategy, 1989-2004. Eschborn: Crystal Working Paper, GTZ. Rashid, A. (2004). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia. London: Yale University Press. Sinclair, M. (2002). Planning Education in and after Emergencies. Paris: UNESCO IIEP. UNODC (2003). Global Illicit Drug Trends. Vienna: UNDOC.
Conflict forms part of the human condition. Since time immemorial, people have been fighting over power, resources, and ideas. Thomas Hobbes, in his monumental and controversial 1651 work, The Leviathan considered that ‘‘. . .during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called Warre; and such is Warre, as is of every man, against every man.’’ (Hobbes, 1651:)
However, to counteract the atrocious consequences of eternal Warre, Hobbes arrived at what he called the ‘‘fundamental law of nature,’’ which is ‘‘to seek peace, and follow it.’’ This can be done through a commonwealth – a government or other central power to which people have delegated the right to conduct violence on their behalf through a social contract. Hobbes’ books were burnt in public when they came out, but his ideas inspired later thinkers such as John Locke, and were reflected in the drafting of the American Constitution. This article addresses conditions for vocational education and training (VET) in post-conflict countries. In the early twenty-first century, this refers by and large to countries in the developing world, roughly Africa, Asia/ Pacific and Latin America, as all recent conflicts have taken place there – the industrialized or developed countries of the West have been involved in many of these conflicts but not on their own territory, hence the focus on developing countries. The use of the term developing countries for nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America tends to imply that these are in the process of developing their economies and institutions on the road toward modernity as known in the Western world. In many countries, protracted armed conflict has severely disrupted this development. A new paradigm is therefore underway, by which the way to development is no longer seen as following (more or less) the same path. New structures emerge in the globalized age that tend to weaken state power and disrupt traditional economies. In addition, rising levels of violence and misery are becoming accepted as normal, and new forms of humanitarian aid intervention, far from solving the problem, accommodate and coexist with this instability and inequality.
cultural, or religious group. Its nature, extent, and level of intensity vary in time and place. The first half of the twentieth century saw two world wars, in which the major powers of the time confronted each other head-on, concluding with the development and use of the nuclear bomb. Many conflicts were conducted by proxy in the developing countries during the Cold War, with the major powers supporting their junior allies directly and indirectly. In addition, an increasing number of conflicts became internal, civil wars, rather than conflicts between nations. A total of 228 armed conflicts have been recorded after World War II and 118 after the end of the Cold War. In 2004, there were 30 active armed conflicts; this number includes seven conflicts that had become inactive since the previous year, a new one that had started, and seven that had restarted of which three had action taken by new rebel groups and four by previously recorded actors. When is a conflict over? When is it really post-conflict time, when some 50% of conflicts resume within a year after the peace treaty has been signed? The term postconflict itself therefore becomes ambiguous: is the conflict really over, or are we in-between two phases of it? Key to this issue is the level of security that can be maintained, and security and development are increasingly seen as interdependent – post-conflict reconstruction and development are impossible without a reasonable degree of security – and security cannot be sustained in the longer term without reconstruction and development taking place. The very different cultures of the military forces and the development-aid community grapple with finding a suitable mode of coexistence in the post-conflict situation with focus on reconstruction. Armed conflict inevitably adds to the already existing problems of developing countries, causing great social and economic destruction and often leading to the displacement of millions of people. As peace is gradually restored, large numbers of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and ex-combatants wish to return to their communities, thereby placing an additional burden on overstretched resources. Gainful employment is in short supply (see Case Study 1).
New Opportunities? The Nature of Conflict Conflict takes place both within and between social actors – the family, village, clan, tribe, nation; or the economic,
Post-conflict reconstruction can offer new opportunities to reinvent VET systems from a clean slate, but such development is most often hampered by political competition
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Vocational Education and Training – VET in Context
Case Study 1 Vocational education and training (VET) in developing countries Some developing countries draw benefits from the increasing globalization of markets, using the comparatively cheap costs of human labor in mass production for exports to achieve high economic growth rates. The need to produce goods of high quality for the world market gradually calls for the upgrading of skills of the workforce, and human resource development in such situations becomes a key factor for companies that want to be competitive – something they must invest in. However, many developing countries still only participate in the global markets to a very limited degree, and often only in export of one or two primary products such as oil, minerals, or agricultural produce. Even without having been exposed to violent conflict, the VET systems in such countries is often one of neglect. The following characteristics apply in many countries:
Modern-sector economy is small and often based on one or two products. The labor market is dominated by an informal (microenterprise) sector, in which informal apprenticeship is the dominant mode of skills transfer. The informal sector is facing harsh competition from cheap imported products, hence has limited potential for growth on its own. The skills development of the informal apprentice remains at the level of what the master craftsman already knows. Government-owned and -run VET systems are inflexible and try to cater to a formal sector industry of yesterday. VET standards set 40–50 years ago were perhaps suited to conditions during colonial times but fall short of the requirements of the globalized era. Formal VET institutions are starved of resources and driven by supply rather than demand. Their management and instructors are neither interested in, nor capable of orienting themselves to the informal sector on the one hand, or to keep up with technological development on the other. They produce poorly qualified graduates that are rejected by employers in the formal, as well as informal sectors. Motivation to join VET programmes is often low among youths and their parents, who prefer secondary and tertiary education rather than vocational training. If a training course is chosen as a last resort, the motivation is likely to be low, the learning may be ineffective, and the proportion of VET candidates actually putting their acquired skills to use is often low.
for resources and power bases, shortage of skilled trainers, no reliable labor-market information, as well as very weak administrative support systems. Add to this security concerns including private armies, landmines, and return of refugees in large numbers with high expectations for a better future. The potential to seize such opportunities obviously vary greatly between post-conflict countries due to factors such as the level and intensity of the conflict; whether it has actually stopped; geographical, political, and cultural characteristics; and the level of external military and economic support available to win and secure a sustainable peace. The differences between the post-conflict situations are more conspicuous than the similarities, making generalizations hard to arrive at. The examples
described in the sections below serve as illustrations of the diversity more than as indicators of general trends. The two countries to be described are South Africa after the long but relatively low-intensity struggle against apartheid, and Afghanistan after 23 years of occupation and civil war, most of it with high-intensity violence. In addition to the different types of conflict, the two countries also represent dissimilar sociogeographic features, with South Africa as a unique combination of the two worlds – the industrialized and the developing world – within its own borders at the southern tip of Africa, and Afghanistan, a tradition-bound Asian country first caught in the crossfire of the Cold War and then in self-destructive internal fighting.
South Africa Industrial development in South Africa took off with the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in 1869 and gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886. Control over these resources was at the heart of the Anglo-Boer War 1899–1902, ending with the establishment in 1910 of the Union of South Africa, a de facto self-governing entity within the British Commonwealth. Economic and political power was in the hands of the white minority, consisting of Afrikaans-speaking descendents of Dutch settlers and more recent immigrants who were mostly English-speaking. A constitution based on political parties was put in place, however for whites only. The mining industry and, increasingly, a manufacturing industry, provided job opportunities for many workers. Mining especially attracted young Afrikaans-speaking men from the farming areas, most of them with little education. The nature of the work in deep-pit gold mining called for large numbers of unskilled or low-skilled workers, beyond what the white community could supply. This gave rise to the migrant labor system, by which Africans were given time-bound contracts to fill the lower ranks of the workforce under the supervision of white workers. In theory, Africans were regarded as agricultural tribesmen outside the modern world, who did stints of work for a while in order to earn money for a specific purpose such as marriage or acquisition of land. In reality, the government applied a head tax on Africans that compelled them to work for money and hence become part of the industrial world. The jobs of white workers came gradually under threat from pressure from the Africans who were paid much less for the same work. This led to a general strike by white workers in 1920 and the setting up of a Job Reservation Act by which a specified number of occupations were reserved for whites. From the point of view of South African (white) industrialists this was an inefficient use of the available workforce, and from the point of view of the Africans an unacceptable discrimination against them and their livelihoods.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
The migrant labor system continued and became the foundation of the apartheid (separateness) policy that was implemented after the victory of the Afrikaans-speaking National Party in 1948, which aimed at total separation of the ethnic groups in space and time, each group living in its designated area and only visiting other areas for specific reasons such as temporary employment. The country was divided into areas for whites, coloreds (people of mixed race), Indians (descendents of indentured workers from India who were imported to work in the sugarcane fields in Natal in the 1860s), and Africans, with the latter required to carry and show a passbook to the police upon request when visiting areas of other groups. The result was a country that combined First- and ThirdWorld institutions in parallel systems, one for whites – well resourced and run – and one for blacks – of poor quality and starved of resources. This dichotomy applied in full force to the educational and training systems. Resistance against racial discrimination took shape with the formation of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1910, initially based on nonviolent principles of the South African Indian Congress formed earlier by Mahatma Gandhi. With the introduction of apartheid in 1948, peaceful resistance increased until the 1960 Sharpeville massacre in which police forces killed 69 unarmed black participants in a lawful demonstration against the detested passbooks. Sharpeville led to the ANC under Nelson Mandela to declare the armed struggle, initially against government installations and not against human targets. ANC was banned as an organization and Mandela and most of ANC’s top leadership were jailed on Robben Island in 1963, after which ANC for many years primarily operated from exile elsewhere in Africa and in Europe. The pressure on the South African governments grew with international isolation through boycott of goods and participation in sports events, as well as with the ANC’s increasing capability to upset the functioning of the system through mass action. The pressure from below was met with police brutality, torture, and inexplicable deaths in detention. However, it became gradually more and more obvious that the system was unsustainable in the long run, and apartheid finally died in April 1994 with the first elections based on universal suffrage, which gave power to the ANC with Mandela as the first black president.
From Apartheid to National Qualifications Framework Recent development in the South African VET sector can arguably be divided into three phases. 1989–94: From resistance to policy thinking
This period was driven by the process toward abolition of apartheid, a political objective that claimed all the
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attention of the involved actors. Important was the role of the ANC-affiliated Congress of South African trade Unions (COSATU), which had strong links to unions abroad and was able to benefit from their experience. As primarily freedom fighters with limited experience in the workings of a normal labor market, this support was useful to the South African unionists in the process when ideas of competency-based modular training and recognition of prior learning became prominent. It was in this period that COSATU initiated the National Training Strategy Initiative in which many items were negotiated with other stakeholders in the National Training Board. It was also in this period that employers and unions agreed in principle on some form of a National Qualifications Framework (NQF) that would integrate education and training. An important point for the unions in this debate was to arrive at a system that would include even those with little or no education at all. 1994–99: Turning policy ideas into legislation Mandela’s presidency saw the birth of major development programs, notably the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) and the subsequent Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) program, both with ambitious growth targets in employment, housing, and other areas. In reality however, South Africa experienced a significant decline in formal sector employment in this period – 600 000 formal jobs were lost between 1996 and 2000 – partly due to hesitance by foreign investors, and against an annual growth of the labor force of more than 400 000. The NQF was elaborated in 1995–96 in order to reconstruct and develop the education and training system into an integrated approach which could enhance access to, and mobility and quality within education and training. To oversee the quality of the NQF, the South African Qualifications Authority (SAQA) was established in 1995. This process was supported in 1997 by the adoption of a Green Paper that proposed a transformed skills development system based on three mechanisms: (1) a levy–grant system, aimed at increasing the involvement of, and contributions by, employers in training of their workforce; (2) establishment of a series of Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs); and (3) introduction of a new notion of learnerships. The NQF consists of eight levels divided into three bands: General, Further, and Higher Education and Training, with basic adult education (literacy training) at the bottom but still as part of General Education, to postdoctoral research degrees at the top of the third band. While this level of integration is clearly a very ambitious agenda for any country, its implementation was actually divided between two agencies, the Department of Education and the Department of Labour, an arrangement that has led to many difficulties.
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Vocational Education and Training – VET in Context
1999 and later: Implementing the vision
Nelson Mandela was succeeded as president by Thabo Mbeki in 1999. Mbeki’s presidency has been tasked with transforming the ideas into practice. The skills levy has been introduced but the lack of administrative capacity to make it a major financing source of skills development and VET has reduced its efficiency, at least in the early years. The GEAR program has helped establish macroeconomic stability but has not produced the number of formal sector jobs that were intended. The VET is placed in the Further Education and Training (FET) band of the NQF. Legislation in 2000 on the FET Certificate stipulates that public FET colleges will be merged into larger entities with 2000 full-time FET learners as the minimum institutional size. Similar mergers take place within higher educational institutions. In the case of VET, this means merging former white VET colleges with former black ones into much larger units. The extent of this challenge on the (white and black) instructors and students, as well as the amount of redistribution of resources between them is daunting. In conclusion, it can be said that South Africa has succeeded to a considerable degree in overcoming the legacy of decades of conflict. Access to education and training has become much more equal, NQF is undergoing continuous development, and results are beginning to show. On the reverse side, job growth is grossly insufficient and much talent has been lost through emigration of whites. Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) takes a hard toll on qualified people who fall victim to the disease, and the need for replacements puts extra stress on the education and training systems. Add to this continued complaints that the distribution of resources and opportunities remains as skewed as ever. While South Africa had managed to emerge from conflict and become a stable country without major fallbacks to violence, the country is still faced with huge challenges.
Afghanistan The coup d’e´tat of Daoud Khan against his cousin the king, Zahir Shah, in 1973 concluded 40 years of royal governance, and Afghanistan was declared a republic. Daoud claimed to promote modernization of the country and turned toward the West, something that did not please his neighbors to the North, the Soviet Union; he was already at odds with the southern neighbor, Pakistan. In April 1978, he was himself killed in a communist coup. This was followed by the invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in December 1979 and 10 years of Soviet occupation, a period known as the jihad (holy war) where private armies under mujahedeen (holy warrior) commanders, were supported by the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Saudi Arabia through the Pakistani secret service Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). This support was intensified in the second half of the 1980s and became a key factor in the dissolution of the USSR. Militarily, the development and supply of the shoulder-fired heat-seeking Stinger missile to the mujahedeen became a turning point with its capacity to destroy the Soviet Hind gunships of which almost 200 were lost in 1988. The exit of the Red Army in 1988 did not bring peace. Instead, the many armed groups fought each other in a series of constellations where alliances changed constantly. This period was even bloodier than the occupation; in 1994 alone, half of Kabul was destroyed and 25 000 people killed, and the fighting continued in most of the country. The Taliban (talib : scholar in Islam) fundamentalist movement entered the fighting in 1994 and gradually advanced throughout the country, taking Kabul in 1996 and most other major towns thereafter. The Taliban introduced a particular strict version of sharia (Islam: the road) legislation; banning women from work; girls from schooling; making music, TV, films and photos, sports, games, etc., illegal and subject to severe punishment. Following the September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington DC, the US army linked up with the Northern Alliance consisting of anti-Taliban mujahedeen commanders in the pursuit of Osama Bin Laden and the overthrow of the Taliban. The operation succeeded, and an Interim government under Hamid Karzai was established in Kabul. The Karzai government had its mandate extended through general elections, but the security situation remained fragile, as Taliban regrouped and prepared new attacks. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) under American command was supplemented with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) troops from several countries, as a national Afghan army was built.
The Aftermath Throughout the twentieth century, Afghanistan has been among the poorest countries in the world. Twenty-three years of bloody conflict did not improve things – 1.5 million Afghans had died, more were injured, many had been subjected to physical or psychological torture. Afghanistan had become the country in the world with the highest infestation of landmines, and many had lost one or both legs as a consequence of these. Four million had become refugees mostly in Pakistan and Iran, and more than a million became internally displaced. A special problem related to the ex-combatants in the private armies who had to be disarmed and reintegrated into society. In 2002, the big return started. Millions came back to look for their land, their property, or a job.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
Most returnees had spent many years abroad and some of them had acquired new citizenship in the country of asylum, as well as knowledge, skills, and even some capital that could be invested. However, the majority returned with low levels of human capital. In 2004, Afghanistan’s overall adult literacy rate was estimated at 36%, about the worst in the world; of this, the literacy rate for women was only 21% while the rate for men was 51% – however, these figures hide huge urban–rural discrepancies with over 90% illiteracy for women in some rural areas. Other alarming social indicators include a fertility rate of 6.3 children per woman; an under-5 mortality rate of 257, equivalent to one in every four children dying before their 5-year birthday; and a maternal mortality rate of 1600 per 100 000 live births. Located on the Silk Route at the crossroads of Asia, Afghans for many centuries had trading links with countries far away. While trade had been disturbed throughout the years of conflict, some of the returnees brought with them new contacts to other, often remote, parts of the world, hence opening new opportunities for trade and production. However, this took place in a setting in which the infrastructure was destroyed and poverty and lawlessness were widespread. The first major economic activity to recover was the cultivation of opium poppy. In spite of government-led and internationally sponsored campaigns to reduce or eliminate poppy, Afghanistan became the world’s largest exporter of raw opium, accounting for three-quarters of Western Europe’s heroin market with a street value of USD 30 billion in 2004. Opium became Afghanistan’s largest industry and is estimated to have grown from 76% to 87% of the world’s production between 2002 and 2004. A New Beginning? Robust data on the economy and labor market in Afghanistan are few and unreliable. The population was estimated at 24 million in 2004, of which only 20% lives in urban areas, but it was a widespread assumption that the real size was close to 30 million. 80%–90% of enterprises are considered to be informal (unregistered and largely untaxed) family businesses. The labor force was estimated at 8 million with 20%–30 % open unemployment, and high underemployment in the labor-intensive informal sector due to low productivity. Investment in the reconstruction effort by international donors has led to a boom in the construction industry, reinforced by wealthier Afghan returnees who build houses and shops for themselves, especially in Kabul. Most of the construction work is carried out by foreign companies. Given the challenges ahead, the demand for skills development is extensive and covers a wide range of different types of skills. The country needs masons, road builders, farmers, legal scholars, teachers, carpenters, electricians, hair dressers, accountants, governance experts, office
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managers, painters, engineers, and persons in many other professions. However, asking Afghan formal-sector companies about the constraints they are faced with, human capital and skills development is low on the list, which is otherwise dominated by infrastructure issues (electricity, accessibility), administration (corruption), and lack of finance capital. Responsibility for and delivery of the post-conflict VET sector in Afghanistan can be divided into five categories: 1. Public provision by three ministries: a. Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) by the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE). Part of tertiary education tier. b. Fourty-two VET institutions under the Ministry of Education (MoE). Infrastructure in poor state. Courses 2–5 years with Grade 9 as entry criterion for most courses. c. Seventeen training centers under the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MoLSA) offer nonformal training courses – a variety of mostly practical courses with no common entry criteria. 2. Vocational training by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Important especially during the war, but later squeezed out by the government ministers who favor public provision. NGO training is mostly urban based. Most trainers are recruited among craftsmen from the locality. Trainees receive a stipend. NGOs carry out training for donors as well as for MoLSA. 3. On-the-job-training (OJT) by employers takes place in some enterprises and larger reconstruction projects. 4. Private training institutions. Urban based and new, many of these cater to a great demand in the postconflict situation for computer training and Englishlanguage courses for adults. 5. Informal apprenticeships. Impossible to measure but undoubtedly a major mode of skills transfer taking place in the informal micro- and small enterprises (MSEs). Skills development is seen by the government as important and some VET programs are included in the so-called Afghan Compact which sets the framework for the government’s main development programs. However, the emphasis is clearly on public provision where the responsibilities of three ministries often overlap. Streamlining of public VET provision is needed and the setting up of a National VET Authority planned for the mediumto long term, in recognition of the difficulties involved in reorganizing the mandates of the involved ministries. The central program to restart the VET sector is the National Skills Development and Market Linkages Programme (NSDP), which aims to tackle the following problems: Many school dropouts and future high-school gradu-
ates are seeking work.
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Vocational Education and Training – VET in Context
There is a lack of consistency, quality, and coordination
within and among various training providers. There is a lack of standardized curricula and qualifications, as well as an overall national VET policy. There is no systematic collection of labor-market information. There are wide divisions in approaches of MoLSA and MoE training departments. There is a lack of qualified staff at MoLSA and MoE with little experience of modern technological development.
The overall goal of the NSDP is to contribute to the socioeconomic recovery of Afghanistan through the provision of a national vocational and training system that is responsive to labor-market needs and provides Afghan women and men with the knowledge and skills for decent work. To achieve this goal the NSDP pursues three objectives, thereby combining short- and long-term tracks in one strategy: 1. Direct provision of training through government and private training providers and NGOs: in the short term, to provide skills for wage or self-employment to 150 000 unemployed Afghans, of whom at least 35% are women. 2. Capacity building of training providers and trainers in pedagogical methods and curricula development. 3. Establishment of an enabling environment: a. In the short term through conducting labor-market surveys, mapping, and registering training providers. b. In the long term by setting up a NQF, developing a VET policy, and establishing a National Vocational Education and Training Authority. Afghanistan is facing a steep agenda in the VET sector and elsewhere. Security remains a problem with the re-emergence of the Taliban. Poverty is endemic. The infrastructure is dilapidated. The external funding for reconstruction has not come forward in the amounts and with the speed that was hoped for; corruption in the civil service together with the high cost of the military efforts take up a large share of the investments that should go into reconstruction and development. The VET and skills development programs in Afghanistan are overwhelmingly targeting the small formal sector. This is surprising in a country where the vast majority of enterprises – 80%–90% – are thought to be informal MSEs, and where the majority of skills transfer takes place in the form of informal apprenticeship. The limitations here often lie in the skills of the master craftsman himself – he can only teach what he himself knows already. Some programs have been successful when focusing on the upgrading of skills of master craftsmen, or in the form of sponsored apprenticeships, as shown in (Case Study 2). Such programs have managed to combine the
Case Study 2 Employment of ex-trainees A study of the employment of Afghan youth who had attended conventional vocational training centers in Baluchistan, Pakistan, in the 1980s, showed that a very small percentage were able to gain employment or become self-employed using their skills. Studies of a sponsored apprenticeship program for Afghan refugees in North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan, in the early 1990s showed that a majority of the ex-trainees were in employment that used their skills. From: Sinclair, M. (2002). Planning Education in and after Emergencies. Paris: UNESCO IIEP.
practical experience of being an apprentice in a real (small) enterprise rather than in a training institution with a low training budget.
Conclusion Countries emerging from armed conflict need accelerated economic growth and development to bring about internal stability and a sustainable peace. Destroyed or dilapidated infrastructure is a major obstacle to investment and growth, as in Afghanistan. Human capital is typically low due to disturbance of the schooling and VET systems, with many youths having become freedom fighters or combatants in private armies with no marketable skills in the post-conflict era. The apartheid system in South Africa intentionally kept the black majority from developing their talents and skills. The continued presence of firearms and animosity between former enemies calls for special programs for disarmament and integration of the ex-combatants into the national army, or into civilian life. The two cases presented here illustrate the diversity of challenges that post-conflict countries can be faced with. Does the destruction of old systems through conflict offer new opportunities for reinventing VET from a clean slate? There is obviously no one answer to that question – the most common feature seems to be the great obstacles that lie ahead for such an enterprise. Another one is the recognition of the informal sector, which seems to be very difficult to deal with for governments, in spite of their dominance in terms of employment in many developing countries. When considering the high need for jobs in post-conflict countries, it would be advisable for governments to focus at least part of the VET effort on development of skills and productivity in the informal sector through assisted apprenticeships, upgrading of master craftsmen’s skills, and access to credit and business development services, rather than exclusively on the formal sector which typically is small and capital intensive with few job opportunities.
Vocational Education and Training in Post-Conflict Countries
Further Reading Ahmad, I. (2004). Gulbuddin Hekmatyar–An Afghan Trail from Jihad to Terrorism. Islamabad: Society for Tolerance and Education. Byrd, W. and Ward, C. (2004). Afghanistan’s Drug Economy. World Bank Report no. SASPR-5. Duffield, M. (2001). Global Governance and the New Wars. New York: Zed Books. Harbom, L. and Wallensteen, P. (2005). Armed conflict and its international dimensions, 1946–2004. Journal of Peace Research 42(5), 623–635. Hobbes, T. and MacPherson, C. B. (1982). Leviathan. Penguin Classics (paperback), New edition.
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Lyby, E. (2001). Vocational training for refugees: A case study from Tanzania. In Crisp, J., Talbot, Ch., and Cipollone, D. (eds.) Learning for a Future: Refugee Education in Developing Countries, pp 217–259. Geneva: UNHCR. Marshall, M. G. Major Episodes of Political Violence 1946–2006, Center for Systemic Peace. http://members.aol.com/CSPmgm/warlist.htm. McGrath, S. and Badroodien, A. (2005). International Influences on the Evolution of South Africa’s National Skills Development Strategy, 1989-2004. Eschborn: Crystal Working Paper, GTZ. Rashid, A. (2004). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia. London: Yale University Press. Sinclair, M. (2002). Planning Education in and after Emergencies. Paris: UNESCO IIEP. UNODC (2003). Global Illicit Drug Trends. Vienna: UNDOC.